Tag: Immigration

JHISN Newsletter 06/08/2024

Posted on June 8, 2024 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

As the November elections approach, immigration is again becoming fodder for fascist fear-mongering and cynical political jockeying. Five days ago, President Biden announced extraordinary measures to restrict and criminalize asylum seekers at the southern border. Breaking his 2020 campaign promises—as well as international and domestic law—Biden has introduced policies that will effectively shut down asylum refuge and border-crossings for tens of thousands of people. We will bring you more news on this.

In our neighborhood, a beautiful exhibit in Travers Park communicates some of the actual, intimate realities of migration and border transit. Our first article describes the making of “Brought from Home,” a set of documentary photographs of beloved objects and mementos that Latin American immigrants bring with them to the US from their homeplace. The exhibit is on display in the park for just one more week!

Our second article offers an update on the proposed casino project in Flushing, as a billionaire’s dream of profit threatens immigrant neighborhoods and local economies here in Central Queens.  

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Immigrant art exhibit at Travers Park 
  2. Mega-casino project hits major hurdle  

 

1. “Brought from Home” Exhibit at Travers Park

“As an immigrant myself, and daughter of a man who had a deep connection with his native Peru until his last breath in 2020, I developed Brought from Home as it is a topic that is personal to me and my family….[It] gives viewers an intimate look on immigration and the meaning of home from the perspective of migrants who communicate and demonstrate resilience, as well as hope for the rebirth of a new and better life, while holding on to pieces of what once was.” –Angelica Briones

Readers have until June 16th to see documentary photographer Angela Briones’ moving outdoor exhibition in Travers Park. Briones photographs cherished keepsakes that Latin American migrants carry with them—things that “root them to home.” A short text explains the significance of each item for its owner.

Briones began photographing in NYC, exploring what Latin American immigrants in our city treasure as mementos of home—including photos, stuffed animals, coins, and ornaments. Then, with the help of a grant from the Queens Council for the Arts, she traveled to Tijuana, Mexico, to interview migrants at two shelters near the border, and to photograph the keepsakes they carried with them.

Professionally printed on a very large canvas banner, “Brought from Home” is sponsored by Photoville, a prestigious photo festival centered in Brooklyn Bridge Park. Every summer, a “village” of shipping containers is repurposed into a series of art galleries on the waterfront. Photoville also organizes pop-up outdoor photo exhibitions in neighborhoods all over the city. Although there are 85 such satellite shows this year, “Brought from Home” is the only one in Queens.

Briones’ project allows us a privileged window into the personal experiences of migrants. As she puts it, “Although immigrants leave their native countries behind, this rarely means that ‘home’ doesn’t come with them.”

WHAT CAN WE DO?
  • Visit “Brought from Home” free exhibit until June 16 in Travers Park, open from 6am – 9pm every day.
  • Learn about and visit Photoville.

2. Ramos Red Lights the Casino Project

As we reported in April, multiple local working-class and immigrant groups oppose billionaire Steve Cohen’s major Metropolitan Park casino development in Flushing. Five of the six powerful politicians on the committee required to approve the project strongly support it. (There is no Asian American representative on the committee even though the land next to Citi Field is bordered by working-class Asian and other immigrant communities.) State Senator Jessica Ramos is the sixth member and would have to introduce legislation to waive the site’s legal status as a park (i.e. ‘alienate’ the parkland) to make the project possible. On Tuesday May 28, Ramos refused to do so. Since this legislative session ended on June 6, she has effectively stopped the $8 billion project for now.

“We want investment and opportunity, we are desperate for green space, and recreation for the whole family. We disagree on the premise that we have to accept a casino in our backyard as the trade-off. I resent the conditions and the generations of neglect that have made many of us so desperate that we would be willing to settle.” —Jessica Ramos

 Even though Phoenix Meadows is an alternative proposal already circulating in the community, on Tuesday Senator Ramos offered her own proposal, without a casino but including a hotel and convention center, athletic fields, a parking facility, a revamped 7 train station, flood protection and other upgrades at the site.

Several local organizations continue to oppose this development project. For example, Queens Neighborhoods United (QNU) is angry that Ramos is suggesting any privatization of the parkland because once the site is no longer designated a public park (alienated), it’s gone forever. QNU strongly prefers the site’s use only as a park or for affordable housing.

In a Facebook post, MinKwon Center for Community Action voiced support for Ramos’ decision and condemned Cohen’s tactics. “Senator Ramos is doing the right thing in opposing the casino, because she is backing the constituents of her district who are, unsurprisingly, 75% opposed to having a casino in their backyard near their kids’ schools.” MinKwon also points out that Cohen’s attempts to get community support have been misleading. Residents signed petitions thinking they were supporting parks, when page 2 showed they were actually signing for Metropolitan Park, casino and all. The Center further commented, “A casino’s profit margin is determined by how much more wealth it extracts than it spends/invests. It is not an engine that generates community wealth, it is a wealth extraction engine.”

Flushing Anti-Displacement Alliance (FADA) continues to oppose Steve Cohen’s project because “it will take $2 billion a year out of our neighborhood economies, leading to the closure of small businesses. It is being planned in conjunction with a wave of adjacent luxury development that will raise rents and property taxes, causing more displacement.” In addition, FADA called for a boycott of the Queens Pride parade on June 2 because of Cohen’s sponsorship of LGBT Network (the parade’s recent sponsor) and his hedge fund’s investments in manufacturing drones that the IDF uses in Israel’s war on Gaza.

Borough President Donovan Richards is perhaps the strongest proponent of Metropolitan Park and its accompanying casino, saying:

“…the families of this community so badly deserve the 25,000 good-paying union jobs, the $163 million community investment fund, the Taste of Queens food hall designed for borough-based vendors, critical support for community-based organizations, rising property values and more that the Metropolitan Park proposal puts forth.”

Lost in the discussion are the three other proposed sites for a casino in the NY area. One of them is Bally’s Bronx, which would be located on what used to be Trump’s golf course in Throggs Neck. It would feature a half-million-square foot gaming hall as well as food and beverage service, a hotel with a spa and meeting space, retail shops, a 2,000-seat event center and a parking garage for up to 4,660 vehicles. Again, parkland would have to be alienated. Neither State Assemblyman Michael Benedetto nor State Senator Nathalia Fernandez have presented legislation to alienate the Throggs Neck parcel.

Clearly, NY boroughs don’t want a casino, but Steve Cohen and Bally’s will continue to fight for their projects. Applications for each proposed casino are not due until 2025.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

JHISN Newsletter 05/11/2024

Posted on May 11, 2024 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

It is a pleasure to bring you news of the local and the uplifting. We offer you two stories—both closely tied to Jackson Heights—from the beating heart of immigrant justice and immigrant culture. First, we highlight the work of a local grassroots advocate working to smooth the arrival of new migrants to NYC. Next, we look at two decades of dance and music training offered by the Pachamama folklore program here in our neighborhood.

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Supporting local immigrants one case at a time–Nuala O’Doherty-Naranjo
  2. Immigrant arts @JH: Peruvian folk music, and dance

1. Immigrant Support on the Street and in the Basement

“You are not going to win. You can apply, these are the benefits of applying. Statistically, you are not going to win.”—Nuala O’Doherty-Naranjo (In conversation on 34th Avenue with JHISN)

Last year Nuala O’Doherty-Naranjo assisted over 2,000 families apply for asylum and start a new life. From her perspective, immigration paperwork is straightforward but managing expectations is not. Many new immigrants think having a lawyer guarantees success. Nuala points out that people with lawyers are more likely to win because lawyers only select winnable cases. Her kids call her the Dream Crusher because she warns everyone they are unlikely to win their asylum cases. Nonetheless, she presents asylum paperwork preparation sessions in her home basement for new immigrants who don’t qualify for such support elsewhere.

Nuala’s social media posts focus on community involvement, from gardening events in Jackson Heights to lively gatherings on the 34th Ave Open Streets. Amid these posts, she highlights immigrant support initiatives: the NYC Green Clean cooperative she started ensures home cleaners receive 100% of service payments; the many English language classes taking place throughout Jackson Heights; and instructions for the asylum paperwork sessions she provides.

Three mornings every week, new immigrants gather around tables on the 34th Ave Open Street, across the road from P.S. 149. Volunteers, who recently went through the process with Nuala, distribute information flyers in Spanish and handle a basic intake process. From about 50 attendees each morning, they identify around 20 who then move to Nuala’s home basement where they work until midnight. 

In the basement, she outlines a plan for their future:

  1. Complete the Application for Asylum—she shares a draft copy of the document, translated to Spanish and annotated to guide people to complete it accurately.
  2. Attend English classes for five months—she has a map of where to go.
  3. File the request for a social security number and work authorization—they become eligible when the court does not rule on their asylum application within 150 days (which it never does due to the case backlog).
  4. Prepare a resume—apply for stable work with a union, hospital, or school system instead of taking occasional construction work, or working as a service provider for individuals/families.

While discussing her process, as we sit outside PS 149, Nuala greets passersby in Spanish but confesses that her Spanish is terrible. If anyone wants to volunteer assistance, she says, they must be able to speak the language, especially if editing personal stories.  But, what she really needs from volunteers are financial donations, like the Facebook fundraiser by Cordelia Peterson, so that all the asylum applications can be printed. She bought cheap printers and bleeds toner onto a case of paper every week. Community members who want to volunteer their time can also be helpful if they bring food, and can keep any children occupied with play. 

Nuala critiqued the city’s failure to prioritize filing asylum paperwork when the recent influx of immigrants began and instead focused solely on finding shelter. Her prodding for action resulted in guidance from the Mayor’s office telling new immigrants to call 311 for asylum paperwork assistance. When that quickly overwhelmed the 311 system the city shifted responsibility to the Red Cross. By Nuala’s own estimate, the Red Cross, with millions of dollars to support their work, has submitted just three times the number of applications she has ushered through—while she spends about $800 a week from her own dwindling funds.

Nuala does not restrict her work to one Jackson Heights basement. In Brooklyn, she works with a group of immigration lawyers, whom she plans to urge to write group briefs instead of individual applications. Group briefs can be used by multiple people in similar situations thus reducing the time required for each individual’s application. In Manhattan, she started the Asylum Seekers Assistance Program with Father Julian at the Church of St. Francis of Assisi, whose Manhattan volunteers spend an entire day working on a single person’s application. She is also starting to work as a counselor at Voces Latinas, allowing her to support people facing homophobia in addition to challenges due to immigration status. 

As we wrap the conversation we discuss her motivation to do this work. “It’s gotta be done. It just needs to be done. Someone needs to do it…I can do it,” Nuala says. “I thought I’d do it until the city started doing it, but the city only does people who are in shelters—and then they kicked everyone out of the shelters.” It still needs to be done.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

  • Provide support through a donation or gift to the Jackson Heights Immigrant Center shopping list.
  • Follow and elevate the work of Voces Latinas.
  • If you have an entry-level open position that can be filled by Nuala’s volunteers, contact the Immigrant Center.

2. Pachamama: Twenty Years in the Neighborhood

Every spring and fall, children in our neighborhood get free Peruvian folk music and dance classes. Pachamama’s folklore program attracts multigenerational families, who bring their children and grandchildren to learn about their heritage. By sponsoring these classes, Pachamama Peruvian Arts has played an important role in uniting the dispersed immigrant Peruvian community in New York. 

Pachamama started as an initiative of the Center for Traditional Music and Dance (CTMD). It was ”the Center’s first long-term project to focus on a South American community.” The Peruvian Folklore Project centered around two accomplished artists and folklorists. Luz Pereira, a graduate of the first School of Peruvian Folk Music and Dance, was also part of the cast of “Perú Canta y Baila,” which won several international folklore awards. And Guillermo Guerrero, an expert in playing traditional Andean music, who expressly traveled to different cities in the Andes region to obtain his authentic instruments. Guerrero and Pereira would be the principal teachers of the Project.

The CTMD introduced the Project to the public in Flushing Meadows Park during the Peruvian National Holiday festival on June 28, 2003, at an event organized by Club Perú. CTMD set up two demonstrations, one featuring Marinera Limeña dance, and another where Andean music was played. A survey asked 100 participants if they would like their children to receive free folklore classes. The unanimous answer was yes. The place chosen was Jackson Heights; a neighborhood where several Peruvian families reside.

Pachamama taught Marinera Limeña and Andean music for the first time in January 2004, at PS 212, to children between 7 and 17 years old. Since then, Pachamama has rotated through other schools in the neighborhood, such as IS 145, PS 69, and has been teaching folklore at the Garden School for three years. Over the years, classes about the folklore of the three regions of Peru have been added, and more teachers have joined to teach cajon, singing and choir. 

Marinera (“sailor” in Spanish) is descended from Zamacueca, a dance of Spanish origin. But in the 1860s, a Peruvian version mixed with Afro-Peruvian rhythms emerged, danced mainly in Lima’s port by Afro-indigenous-Peruvian descendants. At first, it was not allowed in the living rooms of aristocratic families, who considered it too sensual and flirtatious. That story changed after the term “Marinera” was adopted to give support to the Peruvian Navy who were fighting the Pacific war in 1879. Actually, there are many styles of Marinera named by region. Today, Marinera Norteña is considered a national dance of Peru, and annual competitions are held to choose champions by age group. 

After several years of being funded by the CTMD, Pachamama Peruvian Arts was established as a separate non-profit, non-governmental organization. Luz Pereira continues as the Executive Director. There have now been twenty years of uninterrupted Pachamama activity. The program persevered even during the height of the pandemic, when classes and graduations took place via Zoom. Pachamama students have performed at different schools and institutions, such as Queens Public Library, Corona Plaza, the Queens Museum, and Queens Theater.

More than 2,000 children, mostly from Peruvian and partly-Peruvian immigrant families, have studied with Pachamama. Many of them continue to practice dance, music, singing, and theater. The program has awakened a sense of belonging and identity in many second-generation Peruvian immigrants. It has even encouraged tourism to Peru, as Pachamama students ask their families to learn more about their culture. Thanks to Pachamama Peruvian Arts, Peruvian cultural heritage is being valued and preserved in New York.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

 

JHISN Newsletter 04/27/2024

Posted on April 27, 2024 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

As we know, our vibrant immigrant neighborhoods here in Central Queens are profoundly affected by external forces. This week we report on the attempt by a billionaire and his political buddies to build a casino in Queens on what is currently designated parkland—a project that would disproportionately affect nearby working-class immigrant communities. We then take a look at recent court decisions and moves by the federal government regarding TPS (Temporary Protective Status) that can strengthen or weaken legal protections for neighbors here in Jackson Heights. 

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Corona, East Elmhurst, Flushing threatened by mega-development project
  2. Update on safeguarding TPS (Temporary Protective Status) 

1. Casino Project Divides Neighborhood

“The casino will only exploit our community’s poverty and mental health issues, issues that especially impact the immigrants in Flushing, as well as tear down the hard-earned livelihoods earned by our parents and elders.”  Sophia Lin, MinKwon Center

Acres of desolate parking spaces surrounding Citi Field have become the focus of a major political battle, pitting billionaire Steven Cohen, the owner of the Mets, against the Flushing Anti-Displacement Alliance (FADA), FED UP (Flushing for Equitable Development and Urban Planning) coalition, the MinKwon Center, Queens Neighborhoods United and their allies. 

Cohen has mounted a slick, hard-charging campaign seeking approval for his proposed $8 billion development, Metropolitan Park, which would be anchored by a casino. The overall project also envisions about 20 acres of green space, hotels, and a Hard Rock Cafe. Cohen claims that Metropolitan Park would increase tourism and create 15,000 jobs. Local City Councilperson Francisco Moya is a supporter, as are some construction unions. 

However, FADA challenges the project’s impact on the adjacent, predominantly working-class immigrant neighborhoods of Corona, East Elmhurst, and Flushing. They argue that “there is documented evidence of casinos contributing to gentrification and displacement of our residents, workers, and small businesses.” Critics also point out that climate change will inundate the whole Flushing Creek development area—formerly wetlands—without proper mitigation. FADA has proposed their own alternative for the site: a 65-acre public park with water views, called Phoenix Meadows, dedicated largely to green space, outdoor recreation, and flood resiliency. 

The area in contention was in fact designated as parkland in 1939, part of Flushing Meadows Corona Park, but has never been used for that purpose. In order for Cohen’s casino project to advance, the state legislature would have to waive the land’s legal status as a park. (Ironically, Cohen’s slogan is “Let’s Turn a Parking Lot Into a Park.”) That puts State Senator Jessica Ramos in the hot seat. Cohen is eager to get her to co-sponsor a bill—already waiting in the Assembly—to privatize the parkland. While at the same time many of Ramos’ constituents are upset that she would even consider “alienating” needed public land for a private casino.

Ramos has hosted three town halls about Cohen’s casino plan. According to The City, “Ramos said it’s been hard to find people who are actually supportive of the casino but who haven’t ‘received or been promised a check’” by Cohen. The Senator’s own polling shows that most local residents oppose the casino, with 84% favoring Phoenix Meadows over the Metropolitan Park proposal. In addition, Ramos has criticized Cohen’s expensive publicity campaign for his plan, which sometimes fails to even mention that it features a casino.

For Phoenix Meadows advocates, the stark reality is that Cohen can probably block any alternate use of the parking lots for years since he currently controls them under a long-term lease. And as Ramos acknowledges, many people living near Citi Field would like to see some form of economic development to replace the acres of asphalt. But the give-away of public land for an unpopular project faces serious obstacles as well.

Ramos has postponed her decision from April, to May, to June. In the meantime, partisans on both sides have lobbied her furiously. For instance, dozens of small business people, including owners of the Jackson Diner, Pio Pio, and Kabab King, signed a letter asking Ramos to support Metropolitan Park. Jessica Rico, owner of Mojitos, helped lead the effort, arguing that Cohen’s plan was a “marvelous project” that would be good for tourism and small business. 

In contrast, FADA has organized a series of spirited demonstrations, including one in front of Ramos’ home on 79th Street earlier this month, demanding that Ramos act like a “real progressive” and “listen to the people.” “We will not let a billionaire dictate our future,” they say. Ramos encourages all community participation on the issue and has pledged to “keep lines of communication open.” 

With each side of the controversy wielding possible veto power over the other’s proposal, and with the state Gaming Commission scheduled to finalize coveted casino sites by the end of next year, Ramos finds herself in the middle of intense negotiations. But she seems to be in no hurry.

“I work at the speed of my neighbors, not at the speed of a billionaire’s personal timeline. If I was to introduce parkland alienation legislation, it would only be because my community has iron-clad commitments where the benefits vastly outweigh the risks associated with a casino.” —State Senator Jessica Ramos

WHAT CAN WE DO?

  • Sign the Fight4Flushing petition calling for NO Casino, NO privatization of public parkland.
  • Check out the FED UP coalition’s map of Flushing area developments and predicted flooding.

2. How the courts help and hinder TPS

Established as part of the Immigration Act of 1990, Temporary Protective Status (TPS) grants employment and travel authorization and protects eligible migrants from deportation. To be eligible a migrant must already reside in the US, and be a citizen of a TPS designated country suffering from natural disaster, protracted unrest, or conflict. 

Seven years ago then-President Trump announced he would end the TPS program for El Salvador, Nicaragua, Haiti, and Sudan. Despite these program cancellations being associated with his infamous statement that these were “shithole countries“, lawsuits were unsuccessful in convincing the 9th Circuit Court of Appeals that racial discrimination was the primary factor for the decision. After courts ruled that terminating TPS was lawful, Homeland Security was emboldened; they added Nepal and Honduras to the list of canceled TPS programs. Local group, African Communities Together, led one of the many follow-up lawsuits to protect Liberians when the administration added canceling Liberia’s DED (Deferred Enforced Departure)—DED is a variation of TPS but, whereas TPS is designated by the Secretary of Homeland Security, DED is granted by the President.

A unanimous ruling of the Supreme Court in one of eight cases related to TPS found that admission to the US and gaining lawful status through TPS are distinct concepts. As a result, a person who holds TPS but was not “lawfully admitted” will not be eligible to apply for Legal Permanent Residency (LPR). Legal clinics believe it is unlikely that this ruling will rescind the status of people granted LPR in the past but, as the right-wing 2025 Project reveals, the reinstatement of the denaturalization program is a critical element of the next Republican presidency. Denaturalization—which strips citizenship status from immigrants who have previously earned it—could be weaponized against past TPS recipients who followed a pathway to citizenship.

The length of time for these court appeals extended into the start of Biden’s administration, but no immediate action was taken to reverse the program cancellations. The administration did not rescind the program terminations until June of 2023.  Although the PEW Research Center has reported that TPS expanded under Biden, it has done so mostly under pressure. In May of 2022, Jackson Heights’ congressional representatives AOC and Grace Meng signed a letter urging Biden to expand the TPS program. In addition to finally extending TPS for people from the four originally threatened regions, Biden’s DHS is considering a request for Guatemalans to be granted TPS, allowing them to live and work in the US without fear of deportation. AOC also signed a second letter in September of 2022, urging TPS protection be granted to people from Pakistan. Both are still under consideration. Adhikaar successfully advocated for TPS to be extended for Nepal in 2023.

Note: the graph above by the Council on Foreign Relations does not reflect changes from 2024.

The Biden administration has shown it can take action, but only when pressured to do so. Last month local groups Adhikaar, ACT, DRUM, Families for Freedom, and Make the Road NY co-signed the Haitian Bridge Alliance’s letter; 481 groups urged the administration to expand and redesignate TPS for Haiti beyond August 2024. While pressuring Biden to continue support for TPS during a future second term is not optimal, it is more palatable than taking legal actions during a second Trump term since the courts have already said the President can immediately end all these humanitarian programs. 

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

 

JHISN Newsletter 04/06/2024

Posted on April 6, 2024 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

We bring you news this week from the community frontlines of immigrant justice, highlighting the recent work of DRUM—a local group building power among low-wage South Asian and Indo-Caribbean New Yorkers. We then offer a frightening look at the publicized plans to dismantle and re-assemble the Department of Homeland Security into a militarized, anti-immigrant agency operating with impunity. The plans are part of the notorious Project 2025, a right-wing fever dream should the Republican party control the White House after the next election. 

 In these final days of Ramadan, as neighborhood communities look toward the crescent moon marking the end of this holy month of fasting, reflection, and prayer, we remember the Palestinians facing hunger and starvation in Gaza long after the Shawwal moon grows full.     

Newsletter highlights:
  1. DRUM initiates community meetings with electeds
  2. Project 2025’s plans for immigrant injustice

1. DRUM Challenges Lawmakers

DRUM (Desis Rising Up and Moving) is known for its promotion of grassroots democracy. In February, instead of waiting for elected representatives to hold town meetings about legislation that DRUM supports, they arranged for multiple local community gatherings and invited the electeds to attend.

“For our community meetings, we wanted to invert the dynamic of us going to our representatives. We called on them to come and sit with the people of the districts they represent and hear directly from us about the issues we are organizing around.”—DRUM Facebook (March 15, 2024)

Four open meetings were held: two in Queens and one each in Brooklyn and the Bronx. These “were opportunities for [elected officials] to practice accountability and report on their actions that affect our lives,” DRUM says. 

Top issues of concern included the housing crisis, workers’ rights, education, and the genocide in Gaza. The corresponding legislation currently in the State Senate are the Good Cause, the Unemployment Bridge Program, and the Not on Our Dime bills.

The Good Cause law would protect tenants from arbitrary eviction and hold rent increases to 3%, or 150% of the Consumer Price Index, whichever is higher, as long as tenants continue to pay rent. Landlords could still evict tenants for non-payment of rent or lease violations.

The Unemployment Bridge Program would establish a fund for replacing lost wages for workers not eligible for unemployment insurance because of immigration status or the type of work they do. This proposed law is based on the principles of the historic Excluded Workers Fund. 

The Not on Our Dime! bill would end New York state support for Israeli settler activity by banning not-for-profit companies from supporting Israeli settlement activity that violates international law and the Geneva Conventions of 1949.

 DRUM’s reportback states:

“For all electeds, we call on you to take the time to be in the communities that you were elected to serve, and to show up in meaningful ways.”

WHAT CAN WE DO?

2. The Intimidating Mandate of Project 2025

“Project 2025 elucidates how the administration would halt legal immigration, centralize power in the federal government, decimate privacy protections, and risk American security and prosperity, all in pursuit of a political obsession with immigration.” —Cecilia Esterline, “Unveiling the far right’s plan to demolish immigration in a second Trump term” (Niskanen Center, Feb. 2024)

Project 2025’s 900-page Mandate for Leadership is a self-described conservative playbook to “guarantee implementation of the Day One agenda,” which Trump has, without regret, stated will be his day of dictatorship. As a guidebook to “deconstruct the Administrative State,” 35 pages of Project 2025’s Mandate focus on the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) and its immigration procedures. If implemented, these initiatives would effectively give more militarized Enforcement and Removal Operations agents the authority to conduct warrantless searches anywhere in the country, and, when directed by the Secretary, enforce regulations internationally. Project 2025 creates a blueprint for the vast expansion of unaccountable executive power. DHS would be run by the executive office and its political appointees who will take novel approaches to circumvent the Congressional confirmation process. They will create data analysis and communication channels to control the flow of all information to justify and promulgate their anti-immigration stance without any checks and balances. 

A sample of Project 2025’s recommendations to dismantle DHS and its existing immigration system includes stopping funds for all NGOs that support immigration; budgeting more government money for the border wall and to increase security at Ports of Entry; prioritizing the immediate deportation of immigrants over citations to appear in immigration court; ending legal prohibitions on family separation and allowing the expanded use of tents for temporary ‘housing’ of migrants; repealing the unaccompanied minor rule and permitting children to be housed by DHS instead of Health and Human Services; raising the standard for credible fear claims and removing domestic violence or gang violence as grounds for asylum; expanding the use of Blackies warrants, which notoriously rely on profiling appearance and ethnicity, and allowing, with limited oversight, workplace raids and the arrest of immigrant workers; and reinstating the Denaturalization Department to remove US citizenship and deport people.

The reason given for these recommendations is that DHS has “suffered from the Left’s wokeness and weaponization against Americans whom the Left perceives as political opponents” (p. 135). The Mandate itself directly weaponizes all departments against immigrants, even the one agency people recognize as supporting people in dire need, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) (p. 138). After first asserting that the disaster response agency is not lawful, the Mandate then demands that any organization receiving FEMA funds should prove it is a lawful actor by: 

  • Forcing them to detain immigrants. 
  • Granting DHS full access to DMV and voting records of any state receiving FEMA support. 
  • Requiring them to register with E-verify. 

E-verify has been described by critics as an intrusive and expensive government surveillance of daily life that would create enormous privacy and security risks. The ACLU writes that “a mandatory E-Verify system—which forces everyone in the country to ask the government for permission to work—simply does not belong in fair immigration reform.” 

Project 2025 is not looking to create a fair or better immigration system; that is a legislative role. The Mandate’s primary goal is to reorganize DHS so that Congress has little power over the way the Department runs, or who runs it. A second goal is to further militarize the department and to convert administrative positions into enforcement roles. It will transform what is the third-largest federal department into a 100,000-person armed force that the president can wield, globally, without Congressional oversight. Another priority is to remove the options for asylum claims, including eliminating claims based on credible fear. The only time the Mandate adds an option for immigration is when recommending that people with wealth be allowed to pay for expedited immigration procedures (p. 146). 

Even if the recommendation is not adopted to deliver that department of 100,000 enforcers, the 2025 Mandate offers another option: combine Customs and Border Patrol (CBP) and Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) into a single department, the Border Security and Immigration Agency, (BSIA) (p. 138).  Given “the persistent need for and utilization of U.S. military personnel and resources to assist BSIA with increasing whole-of-government efforts” (p. 139), they go even further: the Office of Air and Marine (OAM) will share with BSIA its aviation assets across the globe, and in every state in the US. DHS would then have the option of using military/aviation equipment anywhere in the US or globally wherever it sees a threat. This militarized overreach was already tested in 2020 when CBP flew a drone outside of the 100-mile border enforcement zone to monitor a George Floyd protest in Minneapolis.

The 2025 Mandate also expands the role of the Secret Service Uniform Division which protects the physical White House grounds. Its jurisdiction would be expanded to cover all of Washington, DC, to counteract what is stated to be a “trend of progressive pro-crime policies” (p. 158). The ICE memoranda identifying sensitive zones where agents cannot go would be rescinded. By removing “self-imposed limitations on its nationwide jurisdiction,” ICE agents can pursue “the civil arrest, detention, and removal of immigration violators anywhere in the USA without warrant” (p. 142). This means any institution of learning, hospitals, places of religious worship, funerals, weddings, and public demonstrations, marches, or parades would become locations where federal agents can act unimpeded. 

The majority of people whose lives are vulnerable to the dehumanizing escalation and expansion of immigration enforcement practices, militarized throughout the nation, cannot vote in the elections which can stop its implementation. If US voters are fine with electing politicians who will enact these changes, that could be used to limit their own freedoms, it is because they don’t expect these tactics will ever be used against them. They could be wrong.

WHAT CAN WE DO? 

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

JHISN Newsletter 03/23/2024

Posted on March 23, 2024 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

Spring is official, and we welcome our readers to the early bloom of change in the neighborhood. And in this sacred month of Ramadan celebrated by so many here in Jackson Heights, we wish you extra time for reflection, community, and connection.

Our first story also brings news of change: the shifting landscape of global migration behind an increasing number of West African immigrants arriving in New York City. We then turn to report on the largely invisible stories of Palestinian Americans in Gaza and the West Bank during a relentless war, and the obstacles to immigration even for close family members of Palestinian US citizens.

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Troubled routes for West African migrants
  2. Stranded and besieged: Palestinian Americans in the Occupied Territories

 

 

1. West Africa to NYC

“We always heard when you come here, you’re going to find two jobs, you’re going to work, you’re going to survive. But when you come here, it’s hard to even find one job. It’s a fiction, what we heard.” —Ibrahim Mbengue, recent Senegalese immigrant

Embodying the shifting currents of global migration, hundreds of thousands of West Africans, mostly young men, have been arriving at the US-Mexico border over the last few years, with tens of thousands ultimately making their way to New York City. In fiscal year 2023 alone, 58,000 Africans crossed into the US from Mexico, three times as many as the year before. At the end of 2023, about 14% of the people in New York’s migrant shelters came from Senegal, Guinea, and Mauritania, countries on the Atlantic coast embroiled in social conflict and economic crisis. Like other migrants, West Africans leave home for a range of reasons, fleeing organized violence, repression, discrimination, domestic abuse, climate change, and lack of economic opportunity. But their pathways of migration, and their experiences in New York, are unique.

West Africa is much closer to Europe than to the US. But EU nations, with the cooperation of the Moroccan navy, have progressively hardened their borders, effectively discouraging West Africans from crossing the Mediterranean. At the same time, a new, circuitous route from Africa to North America has opened up. In what some commentators call a “weaponization of migration” intended to respond to US sanctions, the government of Nicaragua is providing unrestricted low-cost visas to African migrants. Flying into Nicaragua with legal status can be used as a stepping stone towards the US. In West African countries, ads for “travel packages” to Nicaragua are prominently featured on TikTok and other social media. Brokers buy up large numbers of airline tickets and resell them to migrants at a profit.

A series of flights from West Africa to Nicaragua is expensive, often costing $10,000 or more. Migrants often rely on loans from family members. The trip is also arduous. It typically begins by flying to international airline hubs like Istanbul, where migrants board the sold-out daily flight to Bogotá, Colombia. From there, they struggle to catch a connecting flight to San Salvador, and then another to Managua. Travelers often get stuck in the crowded Bogotá airport for days as they attempt to arrange the next leg of their journey. 

In Managua, migrant travelers meet up with guides and make their way north by foot, bus, and train through Central America and Mexico to the US border. By starting out in Nicaragua, African migrants have a head start: they avoid the dangers of the infamous Darien Gap, which lies further south between Colombia and Panama. Yet the trek north is still extremely perilous. Like other migrants, Africans may be preyed on by dishonest smugglers, officials, police, and gangs; they are sometimes subjected to violence or robbed of their possessions. After reaching the US border and requesting asylum, migrants undergo Border Patrol and ICE processing. The US government has found it difficult to deport Africans because of distance, and lack of bilateral agreements with the countries of origin. Most West African migrants are allowed to travel to a US city of their choice while their asylum court dates are pending.

Although a few African immigrants have come to New York on Texas Governor Greg Abbott’s infamous buses, most arrange their own transportation from the border. On arrival, they face daunting challenges. Mayor Adams has imposed a thirty-day limit on shelter stays for single migrants, including young people. Within the shelters, lack of translation resources has prevented some West African migrants—who may speak French, Arabic, Pulaar, or Portuguese—from accessing basic services or assistance with their asylum cases.

Once pushed out of the shelter system, New York’s African immigrants often struggle to find housing, food, and other necessities. Many are living in makeshift circumstances—in basements, crowded informal shelters, on the sidewalk, in the subway, or in ad hoc spaces provided by non-profits and religious groups. Usually, the community groups willing to provide emergency shelter are ineligible for government aid, since they don’t meet the required fire and building regulations.

A network of some 20 small mosques distributed around the five boroughs has found its open-hearted generosity overwhelmed by the needs of newly arrived West African Muslims. Community organizations like Black Alliance for Just Immigration (BAJI), African Communities Together (ACT), and the mutual aid group Black and Arab Migrant Solidarity Alliance (BAMSA), are also swamped by the sudden demand for food and health care, ESL classes, housing and legal assistance. The Interfaith Center of New York (ICNY) is currently spending $22,000 to cater halal meals for 100 people at the neediest mosques across the city during the days of Ramadan.

Like other new arrivals, African migrants want above all to work. Lacking official permits, many have turned to day labor, street vending, and food delivery—including work for the major delivery app companies, using “shared” ID documents. These labor pools are already crowded and competitive. Nevertheless, many Africans go to great lengths to not just survive but send a few dollars back home.

A wide spectrum of community organizations and liberal politicians has called on the Biden administration to extend Temporary Protected Status (TPS) to African and Caribbean migrants who face unsafe conditions in their countries of origin. This would reduce fear of deportation and provide access to legal employment. So far, the administration has not agreed.

“By not taking action to address the specific barriers that Black immigrants face when seeking immigration relief, the administration is not only upholding the inequities that exist throughout many of the programs, but championing the continued silence around the experiences of the country’s fastest-growing immigrant population.” —Diana Konaté, Policy Director, African Communities Together

WHAT CAN WE DO?
  • If you can, donate to the groups linked to above that support West African migrants.
  • Urge Chuck Schumer to get the Biden administration to authorize TPS for West Africans.

2. Abandoning Palestinian Americans in Gaza

“And so … you see the same pattern over and over and over again. The State Department says something very basic and generic, and then they don’t do anything about it, and they wait for the story to fade away. And that sends the message to Israel: You can do whatever you want, even to American citizens, and no one will hold you accountable.” – Edward Ahmed Mitchell, civil rights attorney and national deputy director of CAIR (Council on American-Islamic Relations), 2/14/24

The recent killing, arrests, and attacks on US citizens in Gaza and the West Bank are stories barely told in mainstream US media, or told only to soon “fade away.” Here are just a few. Samahar Esmail, from Louisiana, forcibly taken from her West Bank home in early February and detained without charges. Palestinian American teenager Mohammad Ahmed Mohammad Khdour, 17, shot in the head by Israeli forces on February 10 while sitting in a parked car with his relative near the West Bank town of Biddu. Borak Alagha, 18, and his brother Hashem, 20, both born in Chicago where they spent their early childhood, arrested on February 8 and now held in an Israeli prison.

Around 350 US citizens remained trapped in Gaza as of December 2023, with another 600 legal permanent residents or immediate family members of US citizens—eligible to come to the US—also unable to depart. That same month, two Palestinian American families sued the Biden Administration for failing to protect US citizens in a war zone, and denying their constitutional right to equal protection. (In early October as the war began, the US government chartered flights and a cruise ship to Europe for US nationals in Israel.)

Project Immigration Justice for Palestinians (Project IJP) was launched as an emergency response to the crisis in Gaza. The coalition of US immigration lawyers and justice organizations advocates for humanitarian immigration options for Palestinians, and offers legal services to US families with relatives in Gaza. The lack of accessible pathways to immigration for Palestinians is mobilizing an urgent fight for expanded eligibility criteria for who can get State Department assistance in leaving Gaza. Currently, even green card holders cannot bring their parents to the US. Aunts, uncles, nieces and nephews, and siblings who are married or over the age of 21 are also excluded. In other words, most family members of US Palestinians are not eligible for immigration even if they are facing starvation and a genocidal war. The one available immigration portal created for situations of humanitarian crisis, called humanitarian parole, usually takes years to process. It also requires paperwork—birth certificates, passports, identity documents—that for most Gazans have been destroyed in the bombing of their homes, buried under rubble, or left behind as they flee their homes.  

A lawyer with Project IJP explains: “Without the government coming out and saying that [they] are going to prioritize processing applications from Palestinians in Gaza, there’s no guarantee that any of our efforts will come to anything.”

We shine this brief spotlight on Palestinian Americans not because their stories are more important than others in Palestine, but because their situation reveals the brazen complicity of the US with Israel in devaluing Palestinian life and freedom—even for American citizens.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,
Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

JHISN Newsletter 03/02/2024

Posted on March 2, 2024 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

For several years, JHISN reported on the anti-immigrant campaign of then-President Trump that mocked sanctuary cities and instead aimed to intensify surveillance, harassment, and deportation. Now, a Democratic mayor of New York is himself leading the charge to undermine the city’s decades-old commitment to legal sanctuary and urban refuge for recent migrants. This week’s newsletter offers an update on the cynical moves by the Adams’ administration to deny shelter and social supports to asylum seekers who are, literally, being left out in the cold by merciless new policies. 

As we wrap up this newsletter, protesters are concluding a 24-hour vigil in front of City Hall demanding that the City Council vote for a ceasefire in Gaza. Nearly 70 US cities have passed resolutions calling for an immediate end to Israel’s military assault in the besieged territory, now in its fifth month. The slaughter of civilians, including 12,000 children, has turned into an unfolding genocide. And the blockade of food and water is turning into a forced famine, as over two million Palestinians are facing slow death from starvation and disease, amidst the unending risk of sudden death from Israeli bombardment and snipers. Support a ceasefire now!

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Mayor attacks sanctuary

1. Adams is Everything Abbott Wanted

When right-wing Texas Governor Greg Abbott started busing migrants to New York City in the summer of 2022, he was hoping to “own the libs.” He planned to challenge NYC’s “sanctuary city” declaration and its immigrant-friendly reputation, exposing them as a bunch of virtue signaling—a hypocritical pose that he figured would melt away when confronted with the arrival of thousands of asylum seekers.

In fact, as we have reported, grassroots community groups, public workers, progressive activists, and ordinary residents have risen to the challenge, welcoming migrants and offering aid. And the migrants themselves have shown incredible fortitude and resilience.

But Abbott scored a bullseye when it comes to our mayor. Eric Adams has played right into the Texas governor’s hands. Instead of welcoming migrants, as he solemnly promised to do, Adams now bullies and attacks them. His administration scapegoats asylum seekers, branding them as criminals. To complete his surrender to the Right, Adams has openly asserted that he wants to gut New York’s sanctuary city laws. “We can’t even turn [asylum seekers] over to ICE,” he laments.

Adams is doing everything he can to discourage asylum seekers, and to punish those who do make it to New York. In October, he made a trip to Mexico, Colombia, and Ecuador to “personally deliver a stern message to would-be migrants thinking of applying for asylum in the US and heading for New York City.” “There is no more room in New York,” he announced. Adams even had a flyer printed up for distribution at the US-Mexico border, telling asylum seekers—people fleeing violence and discrimination—that NYC, one of the richest cities in the world, doesn’t want them. 

Adams’ abuse of asylum seekers already living in NYC is similarly aimed at discouraging migrants and positioning himself strategically at their expense.  Embracing cruelty as a weapon of politics, the mayor is currently intent on forcing asylum seekers out of NYC shelters, As The City reports:

“Last fall the city began limiting adult shelter stays to 30 days, while beginning to dole out 60-day eviction notices to some migrant families with children. Families with children are now sent back to the Roosevelt Hotel for another shelter placement when their time runs out.

“For adults whose 30 days in shelter has run out, the wait for a new shelter placement can last more than a week, during which time people lining up outside the East Village site have limited access to showers, food, and even bathrooms. Once the site closes in the evening, 25% of respondents reported that they’d slept outside or on the trains, while 4% said a family member or friend took them in.

 “About 67% of those surveyed said they had spent the night in a “shelter,” with many ending up at the city’s five overnight waiting rooms where people can rest on the ground or in chairs without cots.”

Astonishingly, the mayor is now trying to close down even these five bare-bones waiting rooms—last-ditch places that at least have bathrooms and protection from the weather. 

For Adams, creating visible street homelessness or chaos among migrants isn’t a human tragedy—it’s the centerpiece of a cynical strategy. He hopes to not only force migrants to leave the city (and discourage new migrants from coming), but also to mobilize anti-immigrant sentiment and politics to his advantage. The mayor is trying to use homeless migrants—those who he literally is making homeless—to create a public spectacle of street disorder and budget cuts. He is creating conditions for the Right to manufacture xenophobic  “quality of life”  and “migrant crime” narratives.

“I’ve said this a couple of months ago, the visualization of this crisis is going to become aware for New Yorkers. We stated we were out of room. And the cost of doing this … it was a weight we could not continue to carry.” —Mayor Adams (The City, 2/16/24)

Eric Adams, mayor of a sanctuary city, has apparently calculated that it’s useful to position himself as the scourge of asylum seekers and the enemy of sanctuary. Disregarding his cratering support among Latinos, he seems to think that appeasing anti-immigrant racists and reactionaries is his best chance at getting reelected. 

But New York is a city of immigrants, and most of us like it that way. And despite Eric Adams, asylum seekers are quickly becoming part of the fabric of the city. They’re cooking, driving, cleaning, vending, delivering food, providing care, building scaffolding, and hanging drywall. They’ve become integral to the city’s schools, advocacy groups, churches, workplaces. They are New Yorkers now.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN) 

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN.