Tag: Street Vendors

JHISN Newsletter 03/08/2025

Posted on March 8, 2025 by - News, Newsletter

Dear Friends,

As a smothering blanket of white nationalism and authoritarianism descends over the US, sanctuary cities are a crucial line of defense against the regime’s plans for mass deportation. In our last newsletter, we saw that many US cities are reaffirming their sanctuary city status in defiance of ICE threats. Today’s newsletter adopts the definition of “sanctuary city” as “a collection of policies and political will” and discusses Mayor Adams’ corrupt betrayal of NYC’s promise of sanctuary.

Our second article introduces you to TRAC (Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse). We explain how this unique and valuable tool has provided public access to data from various federal government agencies and explore its current transformation.

 

1. Adams Attack on Sanctuary Causes Fear and Confusion

“I think Mayor Adams does not know his own city or does not care to know his own city. The people who pay taxes in his city. The people who go out and shop every morning. The people who are up at 4 a.m. driving deliveries. Those are the people who run this city and are being served up on a silver platter for President Trump.” –Carina Kaufman-Gutierrez, Street Vendor Project

The term “sanctuary” evokes mental images of families sheltering from ICE in church basements or private homes. For instance, during the first Trump administration, Aura Hernandez and her children, fleeing violence in Guatemala, lived inside the Fourth Universalist Society in Manhattan for almost a year, successfully holding off ICE attempts to deport them. Today, churches are quietly discussing their options for similar actions. 

But what is a “sanctuary city”? After all, we can’t put walls around NYC. As a November article in The City explains, “‘sanctuary city’ isn’t really a hard-and-fast legal edict. It’s more of a collection of policies, combined with political will, that guide how local and federal authorities [such as ICE] interact.” 

In practice, this includes guaranteeing legal rights and access to public services for all residents, whatever their immigration status. It often involves outlawing immigrant detention centers. Of critical importance today, it usually means refusing to help ICE deport people in city facilities like schools, jails, courts, and hospitals unless they have a warrant signed by a judge. 

But in NYC, both political will and policies are under attack from right-wing forces and the Adams administration. While undocumented immigrants were hailed as heroic “essential workers” only a few years ago, they are now endangered because of a failure of solidarity, manufactured confusion, and the mayor’s craven and self-serving accommodation with the Trump regime’s plan for mass deportation.

Adams has claimed on many occasions that he upholds New York’s sanctuary city status. But since Trump’s reelection, the mayor has turned sanctuary into a bargaining chip, cynically offering up the city’s 400,000 undocumented immigrants as a potential sacrifice to get himself out from under federal corruption charges. In December, he declared, falsely, that immigrants accused of crimes were not eligible for due process under the Constitution. He floated the idea of using executive orders to get around current sanctuary laws and help ICE arrest more immigrants. 

On February 10, a federal Justice Department memo announced that serious criminal charges against Adams would be suspended—not because they lacked merit, but because they might supposedly interfere with Adams’ ability to fight crime and “illegal immigration.” On February 14, Adams and Trump “border czar” Tom Homan appeared on “Fox and Friends” to celebrate their new collaboration. A visibly perspiring Adams, laughing nervously, told Homan, “I want ICE to deliver.” Homan, for his part, told the Fox audience that “If he [Adams] doesn’t come through, I’ll be back in New York City and we won’t be sitting on the couch, I’ll be in his office, up his butt, saying, ‘Where the hell is this agreement we came to?”

During a partisan Capitol Hill hearing designed to attack sanctuary city mayors earlier this week, anti-immigrant Republicans treated Adams with kid gloves. House Oversight Committee Chair James Comer even praised him for his willingness to work with ICE. It was Democrats who challenged Adams, denouncing his collaboration with Homan. 

Even before Trump’s February 16th executive order to open up sensitive areas like churches and schools to deportation raids, the Adams administration was pushing city agencies to loosen sanctuary city protections and to cooperate with ICE. Instead of instructing city employees to follow sanctuary policy, keeping ICE out unless they showed a legal warrant, Adams directed that “if you reasonably feel threatened or fear for your safety, you should give the officer the information they have asked for or let them enter the site.” This is widely viewed as undermining the intent of sanctuary city legislation. Since then, the mayor has promised to “coordinate” with ICE on deportations.

Immigrant advocates are proactively organizing on several fronts against what they see as an ominous weakening of the spirit and letter of sanctuary city provisions. On February 6, state Sen. Zellnor Myrie and other Democrats held a news conference outside Kings County Hospital to protest a memo from NYC Health + Hospitals that warned workers not to help patients avoid ICE. Other hospitals have circulated similar memos, causing widespread controversy and anxiety among patients, employees and immigrant communities.

Immigration activists are also trying to stop the reopening of an ICE outpost at Rikers Island, which was closed down in 2015 as a result of sanctuary city legislation. The ICE facility was using fingerprints and other jail data to deport many prisoners awaiting trial. This kind of synergy between prison systems and ICE contributed to a surge of deportations under the Obama administration. Adams now hopes to use an “executive order” of dubious legality to restore the Rikers ICE station. 

On February 9, in the wake of reports that immigrant families are keeping their children home due to worries about ICE in the schools, Chancellor Melissa Aviles-Ramos released a video to reassure parents. “As always, non-local law enforcement is not permitted in any of our school buildings without a judicial warrant or unless there are exigent circumstances,” she said. However, given Adams’ support for ICE, Make The Road Action’s Manuel Ordonez found Aviles-Ramon’s words less than comforting. “It’s impossible that my community is going through this difficult time, that they can’t even go to church, they can’t take their kids to school, they can’t shop at supermarkets because of fear of being arrested and deported.”

To the best of our knowledge, mass ICE raids have not yet occurred in NYC schools, hospitals, courthouses or churches. But activists are concerned that Adams is helping Trump to lay the groundwork: criminalizing immigrants, cheerleading ICE, releasing memos and executive orders that challenge sanctuary laws, and generally stoking fear. “This mayor has been running amok in this city for too long, all for his own self interest,” says Murad Awawdeh, president and CEO of the New York Immigration Coalition. “He’s enabling Trump’s mass deportation machine by sowing confusion.”

What Can We Do?

2. The Return of Vital Immigration Data

On January 8, 2025, a critical and unique reporting tool, which JHISN has often used for reliable data reports about US immigration, abruptly went silent. The esoterically named Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse (TRAC) was established in 1989 by Susan Long and the late David Burnham. As Director of the Center for Tax Studies at Syracuse University (SU), Susan had leveraged the 1966 Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) to gather Internal Revenue Service data for her work and dissertation. David was an investigative reporter of some renown. She was into numbers, and he was into words. They both advocated for public access to information and so, together, established TRAC with its purpose of “providing the American people with comprehensive information about staffing, spending, and enforcement activities of the federal government.” 

David and Sue created a FOIA model for gathering data from non-cooperative federal organizations that would simply claim they did not have the information to share. Their TRAC process begins with a FOIA demand for available metadata about the topic of their research. After analysing the documents from that demand, they initiate further FOIA requests for the data disclosed by the initial metadata. The final step of their process uses data analysis to produce validated reports for general consumption. This makes it possible for us to discover, for example, that at this same time last year, over 600 people at the Genesse detention facility in New York state had been detained by ICE for one to two years.

50% of TRAC staff time is spent on FOIA requests, and each request is lengthy. A recent settlement for immigration data took 20 years. They currently have three FOIA lawsuits against ICE, initiated in 2010. ICE challenged those requests by simply asserting that the immigration data was exempt from disclosure. The courts ruled in TRAC’s favor. This FOIA work is conducted by pro-bono lawyers, often from the Public Citizen Legislation Group, a public interest law firm litigating cases at all levels of the federal and state judiciaries. The work of Public Citizen primarily involves consumer health & safety and consumer financial protection, overseen by the federal agencies that Elon Musk’s Dept of Government Efficiency recently decimated based on the recommendation of Project 2025.

Over the past 35 years, TRAC has produced a huge trove of data describing US immigration, Judges, and the federal agencies of the ATF, DEA, FBI, and the IRS. They also have a TracPlus report revealing data about civil rights, Social Security, and the environment. Perhaps surprisingly, Federal organizations have relied on TRAC reporting data for internal use. They do this through a subscription model that allows organizations, news media, and lawyers to access the data compilations. The Federal Reserve board once held a subscription because the TRAC reporting was more accessible than any internal systems. Immigration departments also have subscriptions because they have to give criminal enforcement data to prosecutors, and TRAC provides that data. 

Sue points out that, although organizations may use TRAC data to assist in policy advocacy, TRAC itself is NOT a policy group: TRAC is focused on data availability. Since 1999, SU had hosted the TRAC database and reports on its website. Developing a new website with a better user experience was something Sue and David had been discussing over the last decade. However, the transition to the new tracreports.org site was fast-tracked in January. According to The Houston Chronicle, there had been a “sometimes testy internal [university] dispute” over the last two years, resulting in the recent deletion of the entire TRAC archive from the SU website. ⁠The university maintains there has been no external pressure to take down the TRAC site, however, the removal came at an inopportune time, just as the anti-immigrant Trump administration was about to return to power. 

The new website TRAC launched last month allows them to provide more effective access to data. For example, their new Quick Facts on Immigration reveals that over 50% of those held in ICE detention have no criminal record. They are still working to reestablish access to ALL the data that once lived on the SU website, but are currently prioritizing the release of key information. 

In addition to immigration data reporting, the TRAC website includes access to a substantial and always growing Reference Library of Government Studies on Immigration. The team has also been sending data to people who made specific requests for information that is not yet back online. In fact, the TRAC team had no sense of how broadly their data was in use until they started receiving emails from around the world, including from JHISN, asking what happened and if and when the website would be back online. 

Before 2015, the work of TRAC had been recognized by the Electronic Frontier Foundation as well as the FOIA Project. Since that time, David and Susan had discussed how the TRAC system could continue after they are no longer around, a question that has gained urgency following David’s passing last year. They had established TRAC as a non-profit organization so that it, not they, and not SU, owned the data. They have seen thriving non-profits fail after the founding leader retired, and they both knew that the co-directorship that worked so well for them may not be the way for future leadership. Sue is certain that much of TRAC’s future will rely on volunteer support, and she is actively seeking and inviting discussion from others with solid ideas as to what the next stage in TRAC’s life will look like and determining how that future can be led.

What Can We Do?

 

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

JHISN Newsletter 12/14/2024

Posted on December 14, 2024 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

 As New York City sits on the precipice of the largest mass deportation in US history as threatened by Trump, the city’s Mayor—indicted under federal charges of corruption and abuse of power—sat down this week with incoming “border czar” Tom Homan. Discussion topic: Adams’ cooperation with the feds’ deportation plans. Already on record saying, “I’m not going to be warring with this administration, I’m going to be working with this administration,” Mayor Adams declared after the meeting that he will consider using executive power to change the city’s sanctuary laws to expedite deportations. Homan declared that the meeting “went great.” 

Immigrant justice activists, including Make the Road NY and Adhikaar, rallied outside City Hall during the Adams-Homan meeting to oppose our city’s collaboration with Trump’s promised spectacle of punishment, caging, and exile.

JHISN will continue to highlight, and fight for, immigrant justice struggles as the enemies of justice gather power and popular support. This week’s newsletter reports again on the draconian Operation Restore Roosevelt and its militarized presence in our neighborhood. We then look at how national immigrant advocacy organizations are stepping up in the face of the incoming administration’s anti-immigrant violence and scapegoating.  

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Roosevelt Avenue: new home for NYPD and NY state troopers
  2. Immigrant advocates gear up for the struggle

1. Political Fault Line on Roosevelt Ave.

Roosevelt  Avenue, along with its plazas, has long been known for its vibrant street life. It’s a microcosm of working-class New York: a human tapestry of immigrant vendors from all over the world, creating an ever-changing, 24-hour open-air market and food destination in the shadow of the elevated 7 train. Today, the Avenue is mostly blank concrete and asphalt. And cops, hundreds of cops. Cops hassling street vendors and sex workers. Cops supervising the bulk seizure of unregistered e-bikes and mopeds. Cops just standing around, in pairs and groups, owning the street.

Answer Triangle, Roosevelt Avenue, May 2024

 

Answer Triangle, December 2024

This new, dreary, police state version of Roosevelt Avenue comes to us courtesy of Operation Restore Roosevelt, a 90-day enforcement crackdown previously described by JHISN (10/26/24). The crackdown is the brainchild of an energetic conservative initiative called the Let’s Improve Roosevelt Coalition, led by disgraced right-wing politician Hiram Monserrate, local church groups, embattled Mayor Adams, and City Councilmember Francisco Moya.

Operation Restore Roosevelt represents another advance for a spreading right-wing politics of respectability and scapegoating of recent immigrants. The current cop takeover of Roosevelt Avenue builds on an earlier conservative victory: largely destroying the internationally famous and much-loved vendor marketplace at Corona Plaza. Operation Restore Roosevelt is an even bigger spectacle of morality policing and criminalization, again directed at the poorest and most vulnerable immigrants in our community.

Acknowledging that there are long-standing problems with crowding and trash on Roosevelt, progressive politicians have attempted to get ahead of the conservative groundswell by promoting their own improvement plans for the Avenue. After Operation Restore Roosevelt was announced in mid-October, State Assembly member Jessica González-Rojas held a roundtable discussion on how to prevent sex trafficking in the community without police action. City Councilmember Shekar Krishnan and Assemblymembers Steven Raga and Catalina Cruz quickly announced a “7 Point Plan,” emphasizing social services, licensing, inspections and infrastructure improvements rather than massive police presence. Cruz told the Queens Eagle:

“I think historically, there has been a relationship of fear, and that’s the reality of the members of the community with the police. It cannot be the only measure or solution…because if the only approach is enforcement, we’re going to have the exact same result that we’ve had for the last 10 years.”

Conservative organizers told news outlet QNS that they “repudiated any efforts by ‘radical fringe groups’ to oppose the policing plan and ‘return control’ of Roosevelt Avenue to cartels and street gangs.” Nevertheless, the 7 Point Plan has had recent mainstream successes. It was endorsed by Leslie Ramos of the 82nd St. Business Improvement District. Also, Governor Hochul just agreed to provide a million dollars to support four local grassroots organizations in implementing the Plan. The organizations include New Immigrant Community Empowerment, AIDS Center of Queens County, Korean American Family Service Center, and Commonpoint. 

It should be noted that Leslie Ramos and Hochul each originally supported Operation Restore Roosevelt––Hochul even supplied state troopers to beef it up. But they also are both aware that the police crackdown on the Avenue is due to end in January, while the 7 Point Plan aims for long-lasting solutions.

Looming in the background of the struggle over Roosevelt Avenue is the issue of big money real estate development. As JHISN previously reported, there has been major controversy over the proposed Metropolitan Park casino project, a giant development which would be adjacent to Roosevelt Avenue. The plan is slowly advancing, despite resistance by many progressives including State Senator Jessica Ramos. Part of the Senator’s concern about the plan, which a majority of her constituents oppose, is that it would bring the wrong kind of development and visitors to Roosevelt Avenue. “Why are casinos our prime economic development idea in New York City?”, she asks. Meanwhile, Mayor Adams’ new “City of Yes” housing plan, which was just passed by the City Council, eases zoning requirements and promotes larger scale real estate development along transit lines, such as the 7 train.

Battle lines on Roosevelt Avenue are being drawn according to where to assign blame for economic problems and quality of life issues. One group of activists has chosen to “punch down” at their most vulnerable immigrant neighbors, resorting to criminalization and demonization. While another group of activists is promoting social solidarity, demanding that all levels of government, community and business live up to their responsibility to provide work opportunity and social services in an environment free from repression and fear.

WHAT CAN WE DO?
  • Consider volunteering with New Immigrant Community Empowerment (NICE) here in Jackson Heights.
  • Subscribe to the Street Vendor Project’s newsletter.

2. Strategies for Future Immigrant Advocacy

“As the new Trump administration takes office, Adhikaar stands resolute in our commitment to grassroots organizing and providing essential, direct services to our community.” —Adhikaar Newsletter (11/15/24)

Last weekend the US president-elect stated clearly his intent to circumvent the 14th amendment in his pursuit to end birthright citizenship. This came after he proposed placing anti-immigrant hardliner and family separator, Tom Homan “in charge of our Nation’s Borders”. They plan to create the largest deportation force in US history, violating the rule of law, by using the US military on home soil despite knowing there are serious financial, legal, and logistical obstacles. Trump’s heartless strategy to avoid separating families that have a mix of undocumented members and citizens is to deport the entire family.

Also last weekend, in counterpoint, the National Immigration Inclusion Conference was held in Texas. The three-day gathering showcased immigrant groups’ intersectional approach to stand against the current and future administration. Building justice coalitions with unions and anti-racist, gender, housing, and youth groups, was a significant daily focus. Also on the agenda were sessions about turning arts and storytelling into impact strategies, examining how funders can support immigrant rights, and discussing various legal and mobilization strategies that the 1,500 people from 450 groups in attendance can implement.

Another organization that brings together immigrant advocacy support is Grantmakers Concerned with Immigrants and Refugees. At their two-day 2024 Convening, just a week before the election, they examined:

  • the state of the immigrant justice movement 
  • power-building strategies
  • how to intersect immigrant justice with racial justice
  • strategies for amplifying groups historically excluded from philanthropic investment. They called on funders “to act boldly, moving beyond financial investments to leverage their privilege and power to tackle the challenges that deny individuals the freedom to stay, move, work, transform, and thrive.”

Immigration Equality is an intersectional advocacy group that focuses on immigration rights for LGBTQ and HIV-positive people in the US. They recently published their Strategic Plan for 2024-2026 which includes demands for equity, secure paths to safety for LGBTQ refugees, robust resources for legal and self-help, and training enforcement officers and judges. They also demand the release of all LGBTQ and HIV-positive people from immigration detention centers.

Simply put—immigrant advocacy organizations are not silenced by Trump’s election victory and vicious rhetoric. They continue to work and provide the support their communities need.

According to Naomi Braine, a longtime activist and sociologist at CUNY, any thought of “resignation and retreat” is largely confined to people “who have never been engaged with sustained forms of action and resistance”. The election, she says, hasn’t affected the immigrant rights movement as a whole. The President of the New York Immigration Coalition (NYIC), Murad Awawdeh, stated after the election, “We’re going to fight it…we’re as prepared, if not more prepared than the first time around.” He identified a three-prong approach: protests, local legislation, and lawsuits. Soon after that statement, NYIC published its 10-year Blueprint for Immigrant Progress and Justice. In November, Manuel Castro of NYC’s Mayor’s Office of Immigrant Affairs said they are working with all community groups and agencies to ensure everyone understands the sanctuary laws of our city. 

New York Congressman, Adriano Espaillat, is running unopposed to lead the Congressional Hispanic Caucus in the next Congress. He has said he will oppose any efforts to pursue the additional threat of denaturalizations as promoted by American Firster Stephen Miller. “I think it’s a radical approach, one that is unprecedented in America, and I think that the vast majority of American people will oppose it as well.” The ACLU is also looking at various ways to oppose deportations. Their National Prison Project is looking to shine a light on the shadowy operations of the deportation machine. Using Freedom of Information litigation, the ACLU is preparing lawsuits against mass detention and deportation actions. One of the organization’s recent public record lawsuits demands more details about ICE Air, the government’s method for carrying out deportation flights.

To immigrant advocates, legal support, and immigrant rights groups, the threat of deportation and anti-immigrant rhetoric and legislation is simply not new. Advocates have been providing groups with Know Your Rights materials and are now adding to their presentations family safety planning. They also anticipate a marked escalation of what was seen during the first Trump administration. They anticipate drastic changes without any prior announcements from the administration and will rely on word of mouth as a way for people to learn about what is happening. As Adhikaar concluded in their newsletter:

“The election outcome is a reminder of the entrenched systems that seek to undermine the rights and dignity of marginalized communities…We refuse to let our communities be silenced or pushed into the shadows. Together, we will continue to build power, advocate for justice, and demand a future where all can thrive with dignity and self-determination.”

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Newsletter (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

JHISN Newsletter 08/31/2024

Posted on August 31, 2024 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

We write as the violence in Palestine continues and intensifies, with Israel this week launching a new, ferocious attack on the West Bank and in particular the Jenin refugee camp. It is easy in the US to forget that the 1948 founding of the state of Israel took place by turning hundreds of thousands of Palestinians into refugees; Palestinians, however, do not forget. Our newsletter offers a brief report on immigrant justice groups’ recent solidarity work with Palestinians under the US-backed genocidal siege, while looking more broadly at the kinds of political action and expression available to different kinds of non-profits. We also update you on the ongoing fight for economic and legal rights for New York City’s street vendors, who are largely immigrant workers.

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Rally for Street Vendor Reform Platform 
  2. Make the Road Action: the difference non-profit status can make

1. For NYC Street Vendors, the Struggle Continues

“I’m a street vendor in Queens, New York … I sell Mexican food. We’re here to demand that the City Council pass a reform of the street vending rules. We’re tired of being criminalized… We’re thousands of parents, many of them single mothers who don’t have other sources of income for their families than working in the streets… We’re working people who want to be part of the economy of this country.” –Cleotilde Juarez, Democracy Now (August 24, 2024)

Over 600 street vendors marched from Union Square to City Hall on August 15, calling for passage of the Street Vendor Reform Platform, a set of four new bills making its way through the City Council. Part of a years-long struggle for the decriminalization of street vending, and for economic opportunity and protection for vendors, the rally emphasized that vendors are desperate for a legal landscape that is predictable and fair. Of the nearly 20,000 vendors in our city, the vast majority are immigrants, people of color, women and veterans.

Currently, more than 9,800 New Yorkers are on the city’s waitlist—which is now closed to new applicants—for mobile food vending permits, with over 10,900 people waiting for licenses for general vending. Guadalupe Sosa, a vendor and rally participant, said she has been waiting a quarter-century for a permit for her family’s snow cone business, started by her mom over 20 years ago. The inefficient waitlist ‘system’ forces unlicensed street vendors to work in a precarious shadow economy where they are subject to harassment and $1000 city fines.

The Street Vendor Reform Platform, if passed through the City Council, would ensure vendors increased access to legal permits; reduce criminalization of vending; and create a new division of Street Vendor Assistance within the city’s Department of Small Business Services. The NYC Independent Budget Office reports that passage of the Reform Platform could earn the city $17 million in new revenue.

But instead of supporting just reform of the city’s vendor policies, Mayor Adams has played games with hard-working people’s lives. In May 2022, the Mayor publicly embraced a set of reform recommendations made by the Street Vendor Advisory Board (see newsletter 07-09-22). But by Summer 2023, Adams had transferred enforcement of vendor regulations from the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection to the Department of Sanitation—aided by the NYPD. He denounced our own vibrant Corona Plaza vendor market as “dangerous,” and within days the Sanitation Department police targeted the Plaza, ransacking vendor goods and confiscating carts, handing out $1000 tickets and shutting down more than 80 local vendors (see newsletter 08-26-23).

The City Council’s bundled Street Vendor Reform Platform would begin to address the dysfunction and sanctioned violence of the city’s current vending regulations. As local Councilmember Shekar Krishnan states: “Street vendors provide a lifeline for many immigrant New Yorkers. They are our smallest businesses …. No vendor should face jail time and a criminal conviction for trying to feed their families.”  

WHAT CAN WE DO?
  • Give NYC street vendors your business!
  • Sign the NYC Street Vendor Reform petition supporting the Reform Platform.
  • Become a member, donate, or volunteer with the immigrant-led Street Vendor Project.

2. Political Action: Using All the Levers

The immigrant justice groups in our neighborhood don’t hold back when it comes to responding to pressing political issues. One recent example is their expressions and acts of solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza. On July 25, during Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s visit to the US, Desis Rising Up and Moving (DRUM) demanded his arrest as a war criminal and called for a permanent ceasefire and arms embargo. Damayan has joined protests against genocide in Palestine. Chhaya has called for “peace in the region, the return of Israeli hostages, an immediate ceasefire, and the flow of humanitarian aid to Gaza.”

In a related initiative, Astoria Assembly member Zohran Mamdani and Senator Jabari Brisport are advancing Palestine solidarity legislation originally sponsored by the Adalah Justice Project and supported by DRUM and many other progressive organizations. Called “Not On Our Dime!,” the legislation would forbid New York State nonprofits from “aiding or abetting activity in support of illegal Israeli settlements in violation of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 or illegal pursuant to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.”

Most local grassroots immigrant justice groups are registered as 501(c)(3) non-profits. This status has lots of benefits, including the ability to accept tax-deductible donations, access grants and government programs, tax-free purchases and indemnification from personal liability. But there is a significant limitation: 501(c)(3)s are not allowed to take sides in political elections. 

Make the Road New York (MRNY) is one of our local 501(c)(3) nonprofits, and in that role has been similarly outspoken on a range of political struggles that they see as sibling struggles for “respect and dignity,” including the Palestinian freedom struggle. But Make the Road has also evolved into a national organization, with affiliates in Connecticut, Nevada, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. In 2009, its members decided to find ways to participate in electoral campaigns, including national elections. The vehicle they gradually developed for this work is Make the Road Action (MRA). 

MRA was organized in partnership with the Center for Popular Democracy, a group dedicated to “building organizational infrastructure” for progressive groups. MRA is a different kind of non-profit: a 501(c)(4). Ironically, this type of group became popular after the Supreme Court’s reactionary 2010 Citizens United decision, specifically because it allowed corporations (including certain non-profits) to directly endorse candidates. 

501(c)(4) non-profits aren’t supposed to coordinate formally with campaign organizations, but they can accept funds from most sources, including political action committees and foundations, for their own initiatives to support candidates. MRA started slowly: as late as 2017, its tax return listed donations of $347,149, and a net loss of -$359,321. But by 2022, MRA reported revenue of almost six million dollars, mostly from gifts and grants. 

In 2020, MRA supported Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary. This summer, they backed Jamaal Bowman’s unsuccessful Congressional re-election campaign. And then on August 15, the non-profit announced its endorsement of Kamala Harris for President—its first endorsement in a presidential race. That decision was ratified by large assemblies of hundreds of activists. According to The Guardian, the assemblies discussed “issues including housing affordability, the climate crisis and the US government’s role in Israel’s war on Gaza. But immigration rights were the main focus of deliberations.”

MRA’s financial resources will be barely a drop in the bucket for an election contest that is burning through hundreds of millions of dollars. But Make the Road is known for its prowess in grassroots organizing, especially in working class Latin American immigrant communities. MRA activists have a plan: to knock on a million doors in support of the Harris-Walz ticket, mostly in the crucial swing states of Pennsylvania and Nevada. They have already started.

“Our members are excited. Harris is a woman of color, and a person who comes from an immigrant family. So they see their children or themselves in this candidate. They feel that she is someone who at least understands where we are coming from….We talked about this deeply, because the Biden administration, and by extension, Kamala Harris as Biden’s vice-president, have not been perfect on immigration. When we’re doing endorsements, we’re not picking a savior. We’re picking someone we think we can move and push to the right direction.”  —Theo Oshiro, MRNY

WHAT CAN WE DO?
  • Support the ‘Not on Our Dime!’ Act.
  • Follow Make the Road Action (MRA) on Instagram.

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

 

JHISN Newsletter 12/23/2023

Posted on December 23, 2023 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

As 2023 comes to an end, immigrant justice struggles continue on so many fronts: national and global migration politics; racial and class inequalities; community empowerment; and the lived realities–and failures–of refuge, asylum, and sanctuary. We encourage those of you who can, to consider an end-of-year donation to one of the local immigrant groups JHISN follows most closely, listed below in our What Can We Do section.

For our last issue of the year, we update you on the return of some of the immigrant street vendors displaced by the city from Corona Plaza. Their victory is only partial; hopes for a more just outcome will require an ongoing fight.

1. Tug of War Over Street Vending Enters New Stage

“To allow only a handful of vendors to return part-time ‘Feels like a slap in the face,’ said Ana Maldonado, 40, who ran a tamales stand in the plaza….’There is a lot of anger’ among the vendors.”  —New York Times (11/28/23) 

“It’s a foundation. It’s not the end-all-be-all. It’s not the perfect agreement.”  —Carina Kaufman-Gutierrez, deputy director, Street Vendor Project

After months of arm-twisting and horse-trading, the Adams administration has agreed to allow a limited number of street vendors back to Corona Plaza. The deal includes stringent restrictions. A “Community Vending Area” has been established under the formal authority of the Queens Economic Development Corporation (QEDC), a non-profit that works with the city to promote small business development. Since the QEDC will now run the vending area as a private enterprise, taking responsibility for enforcing all city and state regulations, vendors who they sponsor avoid the requirement to get (unobtainable) individual licenses.

Fourteen standardized blue stalls have been deployed to be shared among the 80 members of the Corona Plaza Street Vendor Association (CPSVA). Craft items are for sale now; food sales will come soon. Once the market is in full operation, each eligible vendor will have access to a stall about once a week. The vending area will only be open from 9 a.m. to 8 p.m., effectively preventing the revival of the former, celebrated, night food market. As Gaston Cortez, president of the CPSVA says, “From 5:00, all the way to 11:00—that’s the best time for food vendors.” Cortez, who works with his wife to sell chilaquiles, tacos, and Mexican soups, says he will be forced to hustle odd jobs to help pay the family’s bills.

The CPSVA and their allies are pushing for more stalls and expanded hours. They’ve expressed hope that their partial victory at Corona Plaza will be a first step in decriminalizing street vending, and will help establish a pattern for legal street vending across the city. At a press conference on December 12, Deputy Mayor for Operations Meera Joshi seemed willing to consider opening other Community Vending Areas if the Corona Plaza “experiment” is successful. 

It’s not clear how much impact the Community Vending Area model might have for the 12,000 vendors—mostly immigrants—who are currently on the city’s waiting list for vendor licenses. Or the thousands more who aren’t even allowed to join that list, which is currently closed. Nor can the city be considered a trusted partner, having broken its promises to the vendors over and over.

Vendors are especially skeptical of the Adams administration’s intentions in light of the ongoing crackdown at Brooklyn’s Grand Army Plaza greenmarket. Parks Enforcement Patrol has been aggressively citing unlicensed vendors and forcing them to leave Prospect Park. Some vendors have moved to nearby traffic medians or in front of the Brooklyn Central Public Library. Cynthia Blade, a long-time craft and vintage jewelry vendor, told Gothamist, “They’re shutting us down at the height of the holiday season. I would say…80% to 90% of my annual income comes from the holiday season.” Not far away, another enforcement blitz—on the Brooklyn Bridge—has resulted in 240 citations by Sanitation Department cops. 

But street vendors are taking the offensive too. On Wednesday, December 6, hundreds of people chanting “Vendor Power!” rallied in support of a new city council initiative that would provide substantial relief. The four-part legislative package is being put forward by council members Pierina Sanchez (the daughter of street vendors from the Bronx), Amanda Farias, Jackson Heights council member Shekar Krishnan, Carmen De La Rosa, and public advocate Jumaane Williams. The first of the proposed laws would mandate that the city issue at least 3,000 vending licenses a year for five years, after which there would be no cap. The second would make unlicensed street vending a civil offense instead of a crime. The third would establish a Department of Small Business Service to assist vendors. The final piece of legislation would clarify rules about where vendors could operate. “We are one of the only cities in the United States of America that arbitrarily caps vending,” Sanchez argues. “The solution lies in business licensing. It lies in decriminalization.” 

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

JHISN Newsletter 11/04/2023

Posted on November 4, 2023 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

As the relentless bombing of homes, schools, refugee camps, mosques, churches, markets, hospitals, and humans in Gaza continues, we can only ask our readers to not turn away. For those who support an immediate ceasefire, see DRUM (Desis Rising Up & Moving) for local actions to pressure electeds. For broader NYC actions, please follow Jewish Voice for Peace NYC.

This week’s newsletter offers an update on a tentative agreement that would allow immigrant vendors to return to Corona Plaza. We then take a deeper look at the digital divide, in terms of both access and content, that excludes far too many asylum seekers and other migrants from full participation in online worlds.

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Deal for Corona Plaza street vendors? 
  2. Digital access for immigrants to US

1. Return of Corona Plaza Vendors Linked to Soccer Stadium Approval

“I was calling a foul on the displacement of men and women who are hard workers, largely immigrants, in Corona Plaza who really deserve an opportunity to work”–Queens Borough President Donovan Richards on NY1 

It’s been almost three months since street vendors at Corona Plaza–mostly immigrant women from Central and South America–were forced out by the Sanitation Department police. Ever since, vendors and their political allies have been urgently trying to make a deal with the Adams administration to reopen the Plaza and restore vendor livelihoods. Their proposals include limited, dedicated spaces for vendors to prevent overcrowding, while still retaining the “cultural spark” that the Plaza was known for. Although the administration has seemed willing to consider this in principle, they have dragged their feet.

Meanwhile, during this same period, the city has been working on securing final approvals for a new 25,000-seat soccer stadium at nearby Willets Point, expected to be ready for the New York City Football Club’s 2027 Major League Soccer season.

One of the needed approvals was that of vendor ally Borough President Donovan Richards, who had to okay changes to street maps. But early in October, Richards announced that he would not sign off until he secured an agreement allowing vendors to return to Corona Plaza, and also provide some of the vendors with space in the stadium’s concession operations.

“My position was and will continue to be, how are the local residents benefiting from this stadium? How’s the city treating the very community that this stadium is going to be placed? At the end of the day, this wasn’t about me, this wasn’t about politics, this was about largely immigrant women and children who were just trying to feed their families, who were just trying to pay their rent.” – Queens Borough President Donovan Richards 

On October 16, Richards announced in an interview on NY1 that he had reached a tentative agreement to benefit the vendors and guarantee that the new jobs created will go to community members:

“We have reached a tentative agreement with the city now to get those vendors back on the site at Corona Plaza, and the goal is to ensure that…we create jobs. The stadium is a great project, but at the end of the day we have to make sure the benefits reach local communities.”

The return of vendors to the Plaza would affirm the importance of this lively food hub—for both workers and their customers.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

  • Support Corona Plaza street vendors.

2. Unaddressed—the Digital Divide in NYC

Internet access is a key problem facing immigrants. Reduced access to adequate and appropriate digital services affects every step of migration, from border transit to legal proceedings to locating necessary services. Immigrant justice advocates, like the journalists of Documented NY, identified this serious obstacle by listening to the 5,700 members of their WhatsApp community, a third of whom are recently arrived asylum seekers.

Research from Cornell University has indicated that, while better digital tools could help immigrants, the content itself is often out of date and users worry their digital fingerprints may be tracked. This led an interdisciplinary team to create the Immigrant Rights for Health website, sharing “accurate and accessible information on health and legal benefits available to immigrants.”

The existence of a digital divide hurts the people who are often most in need of internet access. This was a forefront issue during the pandemic years of lockdown from schools, work, and government/social services. In Jackson Heights, the city’s census review of 2020 found 26% of households lacked broadband connectivity. Mayor de Blasio’s Chief Technology Officer even created an Internet Master Plan to address the issue. The report acknowledged that around 1.5 million New Yorkers lacked an internet connection because a “private market solution to broadband service continues to leave out too many New Yorkers.” Two and a half years later, under Mayor Adams, the city quietly killed the Master Plan. 

NYC Mesh identified this same internet access issue back in 2014. The volunteer-run, open-source, community broadband network aimed to create an affordable network controlled and operated by and for local residents as an alternative to the private market. NYC Mesh requires social trust to expand their open-source system which leverages the rooftops and households of its members, so its growth has always been hyper-local and limited.

The New York City Council made an initial effort during the pandemic to introduce local laws to improve network access. Its Committee on Technology introduced four local law proposals: 1) provide public school students with mobile hotspot devices; 2) create written materials on affordable internet programs; 3) provide public access to wireless networks; and 4) establish a website for cable franchise agreements. Although there were many positive conversations in Hearing Committees, where they even discussed options like providing network devices in shelters, all four initiatives since 2022 have been laid over in Committee—the bills were sent to the full Council for more debate and still await a final vote.

One program that has expanded is the city’s LinkNYC Public-Private Partnership which converted pay phones to internet access nodes. During 2023 Immigrant Heritage Week, the city and LinkNYC launched the “We Love Immigrant New York” campaign with the Mayor’s Office for Immigrant Affairs; it included a “We Speak NYC” program to help immigrants learn English. It also created the first Gigabit Center, at La Colmena in Staten Island, which was identified by Mayor Adams as a resource navigation center providing high-speed internet access for newly-arrived immigrants. A second Gigabit Center opened at Silicon Harlem in the Bronx in August 2023. There are also plans to bring network access to 200 NYCHA locations through the “Big Apple Connect,” though there is uncertainty as to how effective this will be.

In December 2022, a few months after southern states began busing immigrants to sanctuary cities, the American Immigration Council noted that 24% of immigrants were likely to lack broadband access. Comparatively, 20% of people born in the USA are without broadband. Housing those migrants in temporary shelters in NYC has highlighted this public issue; the New York City Bar reported in 2020 that the city needed to provide internet access to help people in temporary housing find permanent homes. In 2021, and again in 2023, they supported a state bill to do so. This has not yet become law but it has finally passed from the Senate to the Assembly.

For those making asylum claims, the need for network access is crucial. Most of our Newsletter readers will have heard about the CBP One phone app which has significantly, and by design, reduced applications for asylum because it creates a technology bottleneck. Even people who can get access to devices are not guaranteed access to service. Once in the US, continued access will be needed not just for information, but to attend online court proceedings where many cases are now heard.

In closing, it is noteworthy that most of the research and discussion, even for global digital access initiatives like the UN Secretary-General’s Roadmap for Digital Cooperation, has not been updated much since 2022. Clayton Banks, who co-founded Silicon Harlem, summed up the stalled efforts to change the digital divide: “The city put over $160 million in the [2020] budget to make this happen, but not a nickel of it was spent.“

WHAT CAN WE DO?

In solidarity and with collective care,
Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

 

JHISN Newsletter 08/26/2023

Posted on August 26, 2023 by - News, Newsletter

Dear friends,

Sometimes the news hits very close to home, and this week we report on the city’s shutdown of the lively street vendor scene at Corona Plaza. Many of us can remember our most recent visit to this informal outdoor marketplace that grew like a welcome garden during the pandemic. We urge all of our readers to sign the petition supporting the struggle of local vendors who are threatened with losing their income and their community. We also encourage you to circulate this newsletter to neighbors, co-workers, and political and religious organizations who might offer social solidarity. 

 Note: JHISN newsletter is also available in Spanish on our website. Share the link!

 Newsletter highlights:
  1. Sanitation Department Police shut down street vendors in Corona

1. Adams Betrays Corona Plaza Vendors

“We are central to the economy of Corona, Queens, and must be heard and respected!” —Corona Plaza Street Vendors Association

 The war on street vendors has come to Corona Plaza. Following the same script he used recently in Flushing, Mayor Eric Adams toured the Plaza and claimed to be appalled by “illegal vending and just dangerous food service.” Soon afterward, on July 27-28, Sanitation Department Police swept through the Plaza, handing out tickets for up to $1,000, seizing supplies and confiscating vending carts, and shutting down more than 80 vendors. Today, instead of the familiar vibrant market featuring inexpensive Ecuadorian and Mexican food and crafts, workers and community members coming home to Corona find mostly blank, ugly concrete. A few lonely food trucks lucky enough to own scarce city cart licenses are all that remain. As in Flushing, demonstrations for and against the crackdown have attracted politicians on both sides and dueling petitions, as the vendors—mostly immigrant women—scramble for a way to pay their bills.

 JHISN Newsletter readers are already aware of the ongoing struggle by city street vendors to maintain their livelihood in the face of attacks and double-dealing by the Adams administration. Last July, we reported that Adams had adopted the recommendations of a new Street Vendor Advisory Board. The SVAB, the City Council, and Adams agreed to reduce punitive enforcement and issue more cart licenses. In November, we wrote about Adams breaking these promises. Cart licenses were delayed while ticketing of vendors continued to intensify. In April, we published an article about the city’s removal of street vendors in Flushing. Since then, the city has evicted vendors in Sunset Park and Elmhurst Chinatown. Police continue to harass the churro vendors at the Roosevelt Ave/74th St. station.

 Street vending in Corona Plaza epitomizes a citywide trend. When thousands of jobs held by migrant workers disappeared early in the pandemic, street vending tripled. Recently, there’s been another wave of vendors—including new asylum seekers unable to get working papers. (One manifestation of this trend is an increase in migrant women and children selling candy in the subway.) Corona Plaza, a previously underutilized space next to a busy 7 train station, offered a ray of hope for migrant vendors. It grew into a sort of working-class street fair, widely known for the variety and authenticity of its food. It attracted not only locals but visitors from all over New York and beyond. The NYT’s food critic named it one of the best food spots in the city for 2023. According to the Street Vendor Project, roughly 100 families came to depend on vending in the Plaza for income. They paid substantial taxes, created new jobs, and built up a dedicated customer base.

 Over time, parts of the Plaza became crowded, and there were real problems with trash. But the vendors worked diligently with city agencies to address these issues. Operating through a volunteer Corona Plaza Task Force, they organized a 501c nonprofit and set rules for vending, added trash containers, coordinated cleanups, and hosted cultural events. They thought they had an informal arrangement with the city as they looked for a permanent solution. So the Adams administration’s decision to suddenly uproot vendors from the Plaza took them by surprise.

 A number of Corona businesses, politicians, and residents were glad to see the vendors evicted. For instance, some local restaurant owners view the food vendors as non-rent paying competitors. Luis Tacuri, who runs a nearby Ecuadorian restaurant, welcomed the city’s sweep of food vendors. Still, he admitted, “the crackdown has done little to redirect customers his way, as he hasn’t seen much change in his own business.” The Plaza, in fact, is now mostly empty.

A more concerted anti-vendor campaign centered around the office of District 21 city council member Francisco Moya, who has worked closely with Adams in the past. “We deserve clean streets. We deserve safe streets,” Moya insisted on TV, claiming that he received 20 complaints a week about the Plaza. But the complaints made to Moya (and the media) often tried to link food vending to unrelated issues like massage parlors on Roosevelt Avenue or illegal drug sales that happened outside the food area. Moral panic was calibrated to appeal to the Adams administration’s “law and order” reflexes. A local church volunteer, Douglas Weidner, told the LIC Post that, at night, the Plaza had become “the devil’s playground.” 

Shockingly, it has recently been revealed that an NYPD “Neighborhood Coordination Officer” from the 110th Precinct, who is supposed to act as a neutral liaison, helped organize opposition to the vendors. The Street Vendors Project has filed a complaint with the Civilian Complaint Review Board.

 A number of progressive activists link Moya’s “clean streets, safe streets” mantra to his promotion of rezoning and real estate development, including his decisive support for the Flushing Waterfront District and the Willets Point Redevelopment Project—both just down the street from Corona Plaza. They accuse Moya of encouraging real estate speculation and gentrification in one of the poorest districts in the city. Ads paid for by a real estate super PAC endorsed Moya’s recent reelection, praising him for “leading the charge to redevelop Willets Point,” a process that has resulted in the loss of thousands of immigrants’ jobs.

Corona Plaza street vendors are struggling to find a way to restore their livelihoods. In the long run, they hope for a “concession agreement” sponsored by the Department of Transportation, which owns the Plaza. A nonprofit company would be responsible for enforcing city regulations. Cart licenses—almost impossible to get—would not be required under such an agreement. This is a concept pioneered at Fordham Plaza, where the Bronx Night Market was founded in 2018. But the DOT says they are months away from even releasing a request for proposals for a company to manage Corona Plaza. In the meantime, how will the vendors survive?

In a recent editorial, State Senator Jessica Ramos and Queens Borough President Donovan Richards argue: 

There is a false choice hanging over Corona Plaza. An escalating discourse around street vending has created the impression that we have to choose between the right people have to earn an honest living and the right to clean, safe public space. But both should – and can – be true.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN.