Tag: Street Vendors

JHISN Newsletter 08/31/2024

Dear friends,

We write as the violence in Palestine continues and intensifies, with Israel this week launching a new, ferocious attack on the West Bank and in particular the Jenin refugee camp. It is easy in the US to forget that the 1948 founding of the state of Israel took place by turning hundreds of thousands of Palestinians into refugees; Palestinians, however, do not forget. Our newsletter offers a brief report on immigrant justice groups’ recent solidarity work with Palestinians under the US-backed genocidal siege, while looking more broadly at the kinds of political action and expression available to different kinds of non-profits. We also update you on the ongoing fight for economic and legal rights for New York City’s street vendors, who are largely immigrant workers.

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Rally for Street Vendor Reform Platform 
  2. Make the Road Action: the difference non-profit status can make


1. For NYC Street Vendors, the Struggle Continues

“I’m a street vendor in Queens, New York … I sell Mexican food. We’re here to demand that the City Council pass a reform of the street vending rules. We’re tired of being criminalized… We’re thousands of parents, many of them single mothers who don’t have other sources of income for their families than working in the streets… We’re working people who want to be part of the economy of this country.” –Cleotilde Juarez, Democracy Now (August 24, 2024)

Over 600 street vendors marched from Union Square to City Hall on August 15, calling for passage of the Street Vendor Reform Platform, a set of four new bills making its way through the City Council. Part of a years-long struggle for the decriminalization of street vending, and for economic opportunity and protection for vendors, the rally emphasized that vendors are desperate for a legal landscape that is predictable and fair. Of the nearly 20,000 vendors in our city, the vast majority are immigrants, people of color, women and veterans.

Currently, more than 9,800 New Yorkers are on the city’s waitlist—which is now closed to new applicants—for mobile food vending permits, with over 10,900 people waiting for licenses for general vending. Guadalupe Sosa, a vendor and rally participant, said she has been waiting a quarter-century for a permit for her family’s snow cone business, started by her mom over 20 years ago. The inefficient waitlist ‘system’ forces unlicensed street vendors to work in a precarious shadow economy where they are subject to harassment and $1000 city fines.

The Street Vendor Reform Platform, if passed through the City Council, would ensure vendors increased access to legal permits; reduce criminalization of vending; and create a new division of Street Vendor Assistance within the city’s Department of Small Business Services. The NYC Independent Budget Office reports that passage of the Reform Platform could earn the city $17 million in new revenue.

But instead of supporting just reform of the city’s vendor policies, Mayor Adams has played games with hard-working people’s lives. In May 2022, the Mayor publicly embraced a set of reform recommendations made by the Street Vendor Advisory Board (see newsletter 07-09-22). But by Summer 2023, Adams had transferred enforcement of vendor regulations from the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection to the Department of Sanitationaided by the NYPD. He denounced our own vibrant Corona Plaza vendor market as “dangerous,” and within days the Sanitation Department police targeted the Plaza, ransacking vendor goods and confiscating carts, handing out $1000 tickets and shutting down more than 80 local vendors (see newsletter 08-26-23).

The City Council’s bundled Street Vendor Reform Platform would begin to address the dysfunction and sanctioned violence of the city’s current vending regulations. As local Councilmember Shekar Krishnan states: “Street vendors provide a lifeline for many immigrant New Yorkers. They are our smallest businesses …. No vendor should face jail time and a criminal conviction for trying to feed their families.”  

WHAT CAN WE DO?
  • Give NYC street vendors your business!
  • Sign the NYC Street Vendor Reform petition supporting the Reform Platform.
  • Become a member, donate, or volunteer with the immigrant-led Street Vendor Project.

2. Political Action: Using All the Levers

The immigrant justice groups in our neighborhood don’t hold back when it comes to responding to pressing political issues. One recent example is their expressions and acts of solidarity with Palestinians in Gaza. On July 25, during Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu’s visit to the US, Desis Rising Up and Moving (DRUM) demanded his arrest as a war criminal and called for a permanent ceasefire and arms embargo. Damayan has joined protests against genocide in Palestine. Chhaya has called for “peace in the region, the return of Israeli hostages, an immediate ceasefire, and the flow of humanitarian aid to Gaza.”

In a related initiative, Astoria Assembly member Zohran Mamdani and Senator Jabari Brisport are advancing Palestine solidarity legislation originally sponsored by the Adalah Justice Project and supported by DRUM and many other progressive organizations. Called “Not On Our Dime!,” the legislation would forbid New York State nonprofits from “aiding or abetting activity in support of illegal Israeli settlements in violation of the Geneva Conventions of 1949 or illegal pursuant to the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court.”

Most local grassroots immigrant justice groups are registered as 501(c)(3) non-profits. This status has lots of benefits, including the ability to accept tax-deductible donations, access grants and government programs, tax-free purchases and indemnification from personal liability. But there is a significant limitation: 501(c)(3)s are not allowed to take sides in political elections. 

Make the Road New York (MRNY) is one of our local 501(c)(3) nonprofits, and in that role has been similarly outspoken on a range of political struggles that they see as sibling struggles for “respect and dignity,” including the Palestinian freedom struggle. But Make the Road has also evolved into a national organization, with affiliates in Connecticut, Nevada, New Jersey, and Pennsylvania. In 2009, its members decided to find ways to participate in electoral campaigns, including national elections. The vehicle they gradually developed for this work is Make the Road Action (MRA). 

MRA was organized in partnership with the Center for Popular Democracy, a group dedicated to “building organizational infrastructure” for progressive groups. MRA is a different kind of non-profit: a 501(c)(4). Ironically, this type of group became popular after the Supreme Court’s reactionary 2010 Citizens United decision, specifically because it allowed corporations (including certain non-profits) to directly endorse candidates. 

501(c)(4) non-profits aren’t supposed to coordinate formally with campaign organizations, but they can accept funds from most sources, including political action committees and foundations, for their own initiatives to support candidates. MRA started slowly: as late as 2017, its tax return listed donations of $347,149, and a net loss of -$359,321. But by 2022, MRA reported revenue of almost six million dollars, mostly from gifts and grants

In 2020, MRA supported Bernie Sanders in the Democratic primary. This summer, they backed Jamaal Bowman’s unsuccessful Congressional re-election campaign. And then on August 15, the non-profit announced its endorsement of Kamala Harris for President—its first endorsement in a presidential race. That decision was ratified by large assemblies of hundreds of activists. According to The Guardian, the assemblies discussed “issues including housing affordability, the climate crisis and the US government’s role in Israel’s war on Gaza. But immigration rights were the main focus of deliberations.”

MRA’s financial resources will be barely a drop in the bucket for an election contest that is burning through hundreds of millions of dollars. But Make the Road is known for its prowess in grassroots organizing, especially in working class Latin American immigrant communities. MRA activists have a plan: to knock on a million doors in support of the Harris-Walz ticket, mostly in the crucial swing states of Pennsylvania and Nevada. They have already started.

Our members are excited. Harris is a woman of color, and a person who comes from an immigrant family. So they see their children or themselves in this candidate. They feel that she is someone who at least understands where we are coming from….We talked about this deeply, because the Biden administration, and by extension, Kamala Harris as Biden’s vice-president, have not been perfect on immigration. When we’re doing endorsements, we’re not picking a savior. We’re picking someone we think we can move and push to the right direction.”  —Theo Oshiro, MRNY

WHAT CAN WE DO?
  • Support the ‘Not on Our Dime!’ Act.
  • Follow Make the Road Action (MRA) on Instagram.

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

 

JHISN Newsletter 12/23/2023

Dear friends,

As 2023 comes to an end, immigrant justice struggles continue on so many fronts: national and global migration politics; racial and class inequalities; community empowerment; and the lived realities–and failures–of refuge, asylum, and sanctuary. We encourage those of you who can, to consider an end-of-year donation to one of the local immigrant groups JHISN follows most closely, listed below in our What Can We Do section.

For our last issue of the year, we update you on the return of some of the immigrant street vendors displaced by the city from Corona Plaza. Their victory is only partial; hopes for a more just outcome will require an ongoing fight.

1. Tug of War Over Street Vending Enters New Stage

“To allow only a handful of vendors to return part-time ‘Feels like a slap in the face,’ said Ana Maldonado, 40, who ran a tamales stand in the plaza….’There is a lot of anger’ among the vendors.”  New York Times (11/28/23) 

“It’s a foundation. It’s not the end-all-be-all. It’s not the perfect agreement.”  Carina Kaufman-Gutierrez, deputy director, Street Vendor Project

After months of arm-twisting and horse-trading, the Adams administration has agreed to allow a limited number of street vendors back to Corona Plaza. The deal includes stringent restrictions. A “Community Vending Area” has been established under the formal authority of the Queens Economic Development Corporation (QEDC), a non-profit that works with the city to promote small business development. Since the QEDC will now run the vending area as a private enterprise, taking responsibility for enforcing all city and state regulations, vendors who they sponsor avoid the requirement to get (unobtainable) individual licenses.

Fourteen standardized blue stalls have been deployed to be shared among the 80 members of the Corona Plaza Street Vendor Association (CPSVA). Craft items are for sale now; food sales will come soon. Once the market is in full operation, each eligible vendor will have access to a stall about once a week. The vending area will only be open from 9 a.m. to 8 p.m., effectively preventing the revival of the former, celebrated, night food market. As Gaston Cortez, president of the CPSVA says, “From 5:00, all the way to 11:00—that’s the best time for food vendors.” Cortez, who works with his wife to sell chilaquiles, tacos, and Mexican soups, says he will be forced to hustle odd jobs to help pay the family’s bills.

The CPSVA and their allies are pushing for more stalls and expanded hours. They’ve expressed hope that their partial victory at Corona Plaza will be a first step in decriminalizing street vending, and will help establish a pattern for legal street vending across the city. At a press conference on December 12, Deputy Mayor for Operations Meera Joshi seemed willing to consider opening other Community Vending Areas if the Corona Plaza “experiment” is successful. 

It’s not clear how much impact the Community Vending Area model might have for the 12,000 vendors—mostly immigrants—who are currently on the city’s waiting list for vendor licenses. Or the thousands more who aren’t even allowed to join that list, which is currently closed. Nor can the city be considered a trusted partner, having broken its promises to the vendors over and over.

Vendors are especially skeptical of the Adams administration’s intentions in light of the ongoing crackdown at Brooklyn’s Grand Army Plaza greenmarket. Parks Enforcement Patrol has been aggressively citing unlicensed vendors and forcing them to leave Prospect Park. Some vendors have moved to nearby traffic medians or in front of the Brooklyn Central Public Library. Cynthia Blade, a long-time craft and vintage jewelry vendor, told Gothamist, “They’re shutting us down at the height of the holiday season. I would say…80% to 90% of my annual income comes from the holiday season.” Not far away, another enforcement blitz—on the Brooklyn Bridge—has resulted in 240 citations by Sanitation Department cops. 

But street vendors are taking the offensive too. On Wednesday, December 6, hundreds of people chanting “Vendor Power!” rallied in support of a new city council initiative that would provide substantial relief. The four-part legislative package is being put forward by council members Pierina Sanchez (the daughter of street vendors from the Bronx), Amanda Farias, Jackson Heights council member Shekar Krishnan, Carmen De La Rosa, and public advocate Jumaane Williams. The first of the proposed laws would mandate that the city issue at least 3,000 vending licenses a year for five years, after which there would be no cap. The second would make unlicensed street vending a civil offense instead of a crime. The third would establish a Department of Small Business Service to assist vendors. The final piece of legislation would clarify rules about where vendors could operate. “We are one of the only cities in the United States of America that arbitrarily caps vending,” Sanchez argues. “The solution lies in business licensing. It lies in decriminalization.” 

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

JHISN Newsletter 11/04/2023

Dear friends,

As the relentless bombing of homes, schools, refugee camps, mosques, churches, markets, hospitals, and humans in Gaza continues, we can only ask our readers to not turn away. For those who support an immediate ceasefire, see DRUM (Desis Rising Up & Moving) for local actions to pressure electeds. For broader NYC actions, please follow Jewish Voice for Peace NYC.

This week’s newsletter offers an update on a tentative agreement that would allow immigrant vendors to return to Corona Plaza. We then take a deeper look at the digital divide, in terms of both access and content, that excludes far too many asylum seekers and other migrants from full participation in online worlds.

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Deal for Corona Plaza street vendors? 
  2. Digital access for immigrants to US

1. Return of Corona Plaza Vendors Linked to Soccer Stadium Approval

“I was calling a foul on the displacement of men and women who are hard workers, largely immigrants, in Corona Plaza who really deserve an opportunity to work”–Queens Borough President Donovan Richards on NY1 

It’s been almost three months since street vendors at Corona Plaza–mostly immigrant women from Central and South America–were forced out by the Sanitation Department police. Ever since, vendors and their political allies have been urgently trying to make a deal with the Adams administration to reopen the Plaza and restore vendor livelihoods. Their proposals include limited, dedicated spaces for vendors to prevent overcrowding, while still retaining the “cultural spark” that the Plaza was known for. Although the administration has seemed willing to consider this in principle, they have dragged their feet.

Meanwhile, during this same period, the city has been working on securing final approvals for a new 25,000-seat soccer stadium at nearby Willets Point, expected to be ready for the New York City Football Club’s 2027 Major League Soccer season.

One of the needed approvals was that of vendor ally Borough President Donovan Richards, who had to okay changes to street maps. But early in October, Richards announced that he would not sign off until he secured an agreement allowing vendors to return to Corona Plaza, and also provide some of the vendors with space in the stadium’s concession operations.

“My position was and will continue to be, how are the local residents benefiting from this stadium? How’s the city treating the very community that this stadium is going to be placed? At the end of the day, this wasn’t about me, this wasn’t about politics, this was about largely immigrant women and children who were just trying to feed their families, who were just trying to pay their rent.” – Queens Borough President Donovan Richards 

On October 16, Richards announced in an interview on NY1 that he had reached a tentative agreement to benefit the vendors and guarantee that the new jobs created will go to community members:

“We have reached a tentative agreement with the city now to get those vendors back on the site at Corona Plaza, and the goal is to ensure that…we create jobs. The stadium is a great project, but at the end of the day we have to make sure the benefits reach local communities.”

The return of vendors to the Plaza would affirm the importance of this lively food hubfor both workers and their customers.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

  • Support Corona Plaza street vendors.

2. Unaddressedthe Digital Divide in NYC

Internet access is a key problem facing immigrants. Reduced access to adequate and appropriate digital services affects every step of migration, from border transit to legal proceedings to locating necessary services. Immigrant justice advocates, like the journalists of Documented NY, identified this serious obstacle by listening to the 5,700 members of their WhatsApp community, a third of whom are recently arrived asylum seekers.

Research from Cornell University has indicated that, while better digital tools could help immigrants, the content itself is often out of date and users worry their digital fingerprints may be tracked. This led an interdisciplinary team to create the Immigrant Rights for Health website, sharing “accurate and accessible information on health and legal benefits available to immigrants.”

The existence of a digital divide hurts the people who are often most in need of internet access. This was a forefront issue during the pandemic years of lockdown from schools, work, and government/social services. In Jackson Heights, the city’s census review of 2020 found 26% of households lacked broadband connectivity. Mayor de Blasio’s Chief Technology Officer even created an Internet Master Plan to address the issue. The report acknowledged that around 1.5 million New Yorkers lacked an internet connection because a “private market solution to broadband service continues to leave out too many New Yorkers.” Two and a half years later, under Mayor Adams, the city quietly killed the Master Plan

NYC Mesh identified this same internet access issue back in 2014. The volunteer-run, open-source, community broadband network aimed to create an affordable network controlled and operated by and for local residents as an alternative to the private market. NYC Mesh requires social trust to expand their open-source system which leverages the rooftops and households of its members, so its growth has always been hyper-local and limited.

The New York City Council made an initial effort during the pandemic to introduce local laws to improve network access. Its Committee on Technology introduced four local law proposals: 1) provide public school students with mobile hotspot devices; 2) create written materials on affordable internet programs; 3) provide public access to wireless networks; and 4) establish a website for cable franchise agreements. Although there were many positive conversations in Hearing Committees, where they even discussed options like providing network devices in shelters, all four initiatives since 2022 have been laid over in Committeethe bills were sent to the full Council for more debate and still await a final vote.

One program that has expanded is the city’s LinkNYC Public-Private Partnership which converted pay phones to internet access nodes. During 2023 Immigrant Heritage Week, the city and LinkNYC launched the “We Love Immigrant New York” campaign with the Mayor’s Office for Immigrant Affairs; it included a “We Speak NYC” program to help immigrants learn English. It also created the first Gigabit Center, at La Colmena in Staten Island, which was identified by Mayor Adams as a resource navigation center providing high-speed internet access for newly-arrived immigrants. A second Gigabit Center opened at Silicon Harlem in the Bronx in August 2023. There are also plans to bring network access to 200 NYCHA locations through the “Big Apple Connect,” though there is uncertainty as to how effective this will be.

In December 2022, a few months after southern states began busing immigrants to sanctuary cities, the American Immigration Council noted that 24% of immigrants were likely to lack broadband access. Comparatively, 20% of people born in the USA are without broadband. Housing those migrants in temporary shelters in NYC has highlighted this public issue; the New York City Bar reported in 2020 that the city needed to provide internet access to help people in temporary housing find permanent homes. In 2021, and again in 2023, they supported a state bill to do so. This has not yet become law but it has finally passed from the Senate to the Assembly.

For those making asylum claims, the need for network access is crucial. Most of our Newsletter readers will have heard about the CBP One phone app which has significantly, and by design, reduced applications for asylum because it creates a technology bottleneck. Even people who can get access to devices are not guaranteed access to service. Once in the US, continued access will be needed not just for information, but to attend online court proceedings where many cases are now heard.

In closing, it is noteworthy that most of the research and discussion, even for global digital access initiatives like the UN Secretary-General’s Roadmap for Digital Cooperation, has not been updated much since 2022. Clayton Banks, who co-founded Silicon Harlem, summed up the stalled efforts to change the digital divide: “The city put over $160 million in the [2020] budget to make this happen, but not a nickel of it was spent.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

In solidarity and with collective care,
Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

 

JHISN Newsletter 08/26/2023

Dear friends,

Sometimes the news hits very close to home, and this week we report on the city’s shutdown of the lively street vendor scene at Corona Plaza. Many of us can remember our most recent visit to this informal outdoor marketplace that grew like a welcome garden during the pandemic. We urge all of our readers to sign the petition supporting the struggle of local vendors who are threatened with losing their income and their community. We also encourage you to circulate this newsletter to neighbors, co-workers, and political and religious organizations who might offer social solidarity. 

 Note: JHISN newsletter is also available in Spanish on our website. Share the link!

 Newsletter highlights:
  1. Sanitation Department Police shut down street vendors in Corona

1. Adams Betrays Corona Plaza Vendors

“We are central to the economy of Corona, Queens, and must be heard and respected!” Corona Plaza Street Vendors Association

 The war on street vendors has come to Corona Plaza. Following the same script he used recently in Flushing, Mayor Eric Adams toured the Plaza and claimed to be appalled by “illegal vending and just dangerous food service.” Soon afterward, on July 27-28, Sanitation Department Police swept through the Plaza, handing out tickets for up to $1,000, seizing supplies and confiscating vending carts, and shutting down more than 80 vendors. Today, instead of the familiar vibrant market featuring inexpensive Ecuadorian and Mexican food and crafts, workers and community members coming home to Corona find mostly blank, ugly concrete. A few lonely food trucks lucky enough to own scarce city cart licenses are all that remain. As in Flushing, demonstrations for and against the crackdown have attracted politicians on both sides and dueling petitions, as the vendors—mostly immigrant women—scramble for a way to pay their bills.

 JHISN Newsletter readers are already aware of the ongoing struggle by city street vendors to maintain their livelihood in the face of attacks and double-dealing by the Adams administration. Last July, we reported that Adams had adopted the recommendations of a new Street Vendor Advisory Board. The SVAB, the City Council, and Adams agreed to reduce punitive enforcement and issue more cart licenses. In November, we wrote about Adams breaking these promises. Cart licenses were delayed while ticketing of vendors continued to intensify. In April, we published an article about the city’s removal of street vendors in Flushing. Since then, the city has evicted vendors in Sunset Park and Elmhurst Chinatown. Police continue to harass the churro vendors at the Roosevelt Ave/74th St. station.

 Street vending in Corona Plaza epitomizes a citywide trend. When thousands of jobs held by migrant workers disappeared early in the pandemic, street vending tripled. Recently, there’s been another wave of vendors—including new asylum seekers unable to get working papers. (One manifestation of this trend is an increase in migrant women and children selling candy in the subway.) Corona Plaza, a previously underutilized space next to a busy 7 train station, offered a ray of hope for migrant vendors. It grew into a sort of working-class street fair, widely known for the variety and authenticity of its food. It attracted not only locals but visitors from all over New York and beyond. The NYT’s food critic named it one of the best food spots in the city for 2023. According to the Street Vendor Project, roughly 100 families came to depend on vending in the Plaza for income. They paid substantial taxes, created new jobs, and built up a dedicated customer base.

 Over time, parts of the Plaza became crowded, and there were real problems with trash. But the vendors worked diligently with city agencies to address these issues. Operating through a volunteer Corona Plaza Task Force, they organized a 501c nonprofit and set rules for vending, added trash containers, coordinated cleanups, and hosted cultural events. They thought they had an informal arrangement with the city as they looked for a permanent solution. So the Adams administration’s decision to suddenly uproot vendors from the Plaza took them by surprise.

 A number of Corona businesses, politicians, and residents were glad to see the vendors evicted. For instance, some local restaurant owners view the food vendors as non-rent paying competitors. Luis Tacuri, who runs a nearby Ecuadorian restaurant, welcomed the city’s sweep of food vendors. Still, he admitted, “the crackdown has done little to redirect customers his way, as he hasn’t seen much change in his own business.” The Plaza, in fact, is now mostly empty.

A more concerted anti-vendor campaign centered around the office of District 21 city council member Francisco Moya, who has worked closely with Adams in the past. “We deserve clean streets. We deserve safe streets,” Moya insisted on TV, claiming that he received 20 complaints a week about the Plaza. But the complaints made to Moya (and the media) often tried to link food vending to unrelated issues like massage parlors on Roosevelt Avenue or illegal drug sales that happened outside the food area. Moral panic was calibrated to appeal to the Adams administration’s “law and order” reflexes. A local church volunteer, Douglas Weidner, told the LIC Post that, at night, the Plaza had become “the devil’s playground.” 

Shockingly, it has recently been revealed that an NYPD “Neighborhood Coordination Officer” from the 110th Precinct, who is supposed to act as a neutral liaison, helped organize opposition to the vendors. The Street Vendors Project has filed a complaint with the Civilian Complaint Review Board.

 A number of progressive activists link Moya’s “clean streets, safe streets” mantra to his promotion of rezoning and real estate development, including his decisive support for the Flushing Waterfront District and the Willets Point Redevelopment Project—both just down the street from Corona Plaza. They accuse Moya of encouraging real estate speculation and gentrification in one of the poorest districts in the city. Ads paid for by a real estate super PAC endorsed Moya’s recent reelection, praising him for “leading the charge to redevelop Willets Point,” a process that has resulted in the loss of thousands of immigrants’ jobs.

Corona Plaza street vendors are struggling to find a way to restore their livelihoods. In the long run, they hope for a “concession agreement” sponsored by the Department of Transportation, which owns the Plaza. A nonprofit company would be responsible for enforcing city regulations. Cart licenses—almost impossible to get—would not be required under such an agreement. This is a concept pioneered at Fordham Plaza, where the Bronx Night Market was founded in 2018. But the DOT says they are months away from even releasing a request for proposals for a company to manage Corona Plaza. In the meantime, how will the vendors survive?

In a recent editorial, State Senator Jessica Ramos and Queens Borough President Donovan Richards argue: 

There is a false choice hanging over Corona Plaza. An escalating discourse around street vending has created the impression that we have to choose between the right people have to earn an honest living and the right to clean, safe public space. But both should – and can – be true.

WHAT CAN WE DO?

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

 

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

JHISN Newsletter 04/08/2023

Dear friends,

We offer two stories this week of immigrant justice struggles here in New York City. First, we report on Mayor Adams’ betrayal of a hard-won agreement between street vendors and the City to decrease harassment and increase new permits for vendors. We then take a brief look at the brewing battle for a fair and equitable 2024 NYC budget that protects essential services for all New Yorkers.  

Finally, with grief and outrage, we mark the deaths of 39 migrants in a blaze inside a detention center just across the border from El Paso, Texas, on March 27. The fatal fire is the latest evidence of the inhumane conditions in which growing numbers of asylum seekers and refugees are being held in Mexico, under pressure from the US government to stall their entry into the US.  

Newsletter highlights:
  1. Adams administration undermines agreement with street vendors
  2. A People’s Budget for NYC fiscal year 2024

1. Street Vendors Under Attack

“We are not a public safety issue. We are vendors, and we are what makes New York City great.” Guadalupe Sosa, longtime Harlem street vendor

Street vendors’ epic struggle for economic survival and respect on NYC streets has recently suffered a sharp setback. The bad news for vendors—almost all immigrants—began with a March 8 news conference, at which Flushing City Councilmember Sandra Ung launched a petition in English, Chinese, and Korean demanding strict enforcement of city street vending regulations. In particular, Ung called for clearing out a downtown Flushing no-vending zone approved by the Council in 2018. Standing alongside the executive director of the Flushing Business Improvement District (BID), with a group of like-minded brick-and-mortar business people, Ung characterized Flushing’s crowded street vendor scene as a threat to public safety. She described “out of control” street vending as a vector for counterfeit goods, live seafood, and illegal cannabis.

Quickly seizing the opening provided by Ung, the Adams administration suddenly transferred enforcement of street vending regulations from the Department of Consumer and Worker Protection (DCWP) to the Sanitation Department (DSNY) and its police force, effective April 1. DSNY has been heavily criticized in the past for summarily crushing street vendor property in its garbage trucks.

Putting vendors at the mercy of the DSNY Police undermines a careful agreement reached by vendors, the City Council, and Mayor de Blasio in 2021. This plan included the formation of a Street Vendor Advisory Board with a range of stakeholders, de-emphasis on police action, and substantial increases in the number of vending permits, which have been almost impossible to get for decades. Before April 1, the spirit of this agreement had already been violated by the Adams administration, which implemented major increases in inspections and ticketing. New permits, meanwhile, have been repeatedly delayed.

Street vendor advocates responded to the latest development with shock and anger. “What message is the administration sending us? Are they considering us trash that needs to be picked up?” asked Mohamed Attia, executive director of the Street Vendor Project (SVP). Vendors complained that neither the Advisory Board nor the City Council had been consulted about Adams’ change.

Shortly after the mayor signaled his intentions, a March 16 demonstration at City Hall promoted a different path: full and immediate implementation of the 2021 street vendor agreement. This event was attended by many politicians, including Councilmembers Shekar Krishnan, Oswald Feliz, Shahana Hanif, and Tiffany Cabán. At another protest on March 22, after Adams’ plan was formalized, protesters demanded its reversal. Organized by Councilmember Sandy Nurse, chair of the Sanitation Committee, the demonstration included Alexa Aviles, Pierina Sanchez, and Queens reps Jennifer Gutierrez and Julie Won. Street vendors also have elected allies at the state level, where Assemblymember Jessica González-Rojas and state Senator Jessica Ramos have been promoting matching bills that would uncap vending permits, create a fair and equitable street vending licensing program, and expunge the records of vendor violations.

The issues surrounding street vendors have exposed differences along class and ideological lines within NYC immigrant communities. While members of the City Council’s Progressive Caucus from immigrant families have strongly supported the vendors, other immigrant Democrats, like Sandra Ung and her predecessor Peter Koo, have taken the side of brick-and-mortar businesses and “law and order.” Ung, elected in 2021, is carefully navigating the political cross-currents in her district. Speaking about changes in Asian voting patterns in the city, she commented, “I recognized at the very early stage that my constituents, the community, their views are probably not going to be aligned with the progressive caucus stances.”

Immigrant street vendors have more immediate concerns. They are worried about becoming enmeshed in the legal system. And they feel that their economic survival is imperiled. As vendor Guadalupe Sosa puts it, “It’s traumatizing and heartbreaking when you spend your savings and all your time preparing your merchandise or cooking what you sell just for the health department to come alongside with NYPD to dump or confiscate your merchandise into a garbage truck.” 

WHAT CAN WE DO?

2. Immigrant Justice Groups Support a People’s Budget

“Budgets are moral documents.” attributed to Rev. Martin Luther King Jr.

Financial budgets are maps of action priorities, worldly statements of what will be valued and what will not. In February, Mayor Adams released a preliminary fiscal year 2024 NYC budget that defunds and devalues core city services including libraries, education, CUNY, and pre-K for 3-year-olds. Just days ago, on April 4, he ordered another round of 4% cuts for almost all city agencies—on top of two previous rounds last year of mandatory 3% cuts. One of the administration’s justifications for the new cuts is the unexpected costs of the city’s migrant crisis.

Local immigration groups including DRUM (Desis Rising Up and Moving) and Make The Road NY are fighting back with the People’s Budget #CareNotCuts. The coalition of groups supporting a People’s Budget campaign state clearly:

“These harmful cuts most deeply impact low-income New Yorkers of color who rely on the City’s public safety net, schools, and institutions. The Mayor’s budget cuts are unacceptable for a city that is home to the most billionaires in the world …. In the long run, divesting from these necessities will make NYC a less safe, stable, healthy, and desirable place to live.”

In response to the Mayor’s proposed cuts in the preliminary $102.7 billion budget, the City Council announced this week that they’ve identified $1.3 billion in taxpayer monies that the city can use to avoid additional cuts to core services. A budget agreement between the Mayor and the City Council must be reached by July 1. Join immigrant justice and local progressive groups in demanding a fair and just budget that meets the needs of all New Yorkers.

WHAT CAN WE DO?
  • Use this Action Network link to send an e-letter to Mayor Adams and the City Council in support of a People’s Budget.

 

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN. 

 

 

JHISN Newsletter 11/12/2022

Dear friends,

One of the joys of living in Jackson Heights is our vibrant street life, animated by a rich array of food carts and a lively culture of street vending. But behind this sidewalk cheer lies the reality of struggle for immigrant vendors, whose numbers have increased during the pandemic as economic life becomes more precarious. We report this week on the current impasse in NYC street vendors’ fight for legal rights and municipal support.

We also take a look at the housing justice work of Chhaya—a Jackson Heights-based organization serving local South Asian and Indo-Caribbean communities—in the wake of the fatal storm last year that killed 11 basement tenants, including families here in Central Queens.  

Newsletter highlights
  1. Street vendors’ struggle continues
  2. Chhaya works to legalize basement apartments 

1. Street Vendors: Justice Delayed

Despite the passage of City Council legislation aimed at protecting their rights, NYC’s street vendors—almost all immigrants—continue to face daily harassment and disrespect by the city administration. Politicians’ solemn promises to provide new permits and fairer law enforcement have gone unfulfilled.

There are an estimated 20,000 street vendors in the city. Some envision street vending as a step towards a brick-and-mortar store—perhaps following the footsteps of the Arepa Lady of Jackson Heights, Maria Piedad Cano, who is legendary for parlaying a cart on Roosevelt Avenue into a popular restaurant on 37th Avenue. Many more vendors are just trying to survive, including thousands who lost jobs during the pandemic. A vendor in Flushing, who asked to be called Wong, told Documented:

“It’s really tiring and to be honest I don’t really want to be doing this but I can’t do anything else…. I’m pretty old and I looked for another job, but no one would take me. I just want to make some money to pay my living expenses and to operate in a legal way but I can’t get a license.”

Wong, like most other immigrant women street vendors, faces extra risks and burdens. Fifty-two percent of these women are primary breadwinners for their families; 32% are sole providers. Forty-four percent report feeling unsafe at work, because of fear of police or health inspectors, robberies, assaults and race or sex harassment.

Most food vendors are already licensed to serve and sell food; they’ve paid an application fee and passed an eight-hour health and safety course. Yet it’s almost impossible for these licensed vendors to get a license for their cart, because of a rigid cap imposed decades ago in the time of Mayor Koch. The long waiting list for a cart license has been closed for years. Nevertheless, with casual cruelty, the city is dispensing scores of $1,000 tickets for unlicensed carts or stalls. Many local vendors have also been arrested or had their property trashed by the Department of Sanitation.

When we last wrote about the street vendor struggle at the beginning of July, there was a feeling of cautious optimism among activists. Vendors had become better organized. Mayor Adams had endorsed recommendations by the Street Vendor Advisory Board, validating the vendors’ concerns and committing the city to a series of practical improvements. City Council legislation increasing the number of permits was due to take effect that month. The Department of Consumer and Worker Protection (DCWP) was supposed to take over the enforcement of street vending regulations, replacing the heavy-handed NYPD.

But since that hopeful time, aggressive ticketing of vendors has only intensified—now performed by two agencies instead of one. In an analysis of data from June 2021 to May 2022, City Limits reports that DCWP and NYPD together have issued nearly 2,500 fines, a 33% increase from 2019, the year before policies went into effect to supposedly reduce ticketing. City Limits also noted that Jackson Heights was the most ticketed zip code for vendors during the first year of DCWP enforcement. 

On September 29, street vendors and supporters, led by the Street Vendor Project, marched to City Hall to once again demand justice. State Senator Jessica Ramos told ABC News that the vendors “are not criminals, they are hard-working people looking for dignity and looking for the legalization of their businesses.” In response, a DCWP spokesperson alleged that “unlicensed vending and vendors who flout the rules put New Yorkers at risk of everything from food borne illness to traffic crashes.” 

 As vendors struggle to maintain their livelihoods on the streets, Department of Health and Mental Hygiene (DOHMH) bureaucrats botched and delayed the release of desperately-needed cart licenses mandated by the City Council. DOHMH claims it will make the first batch of cart permits (now called “supervisory licenses”) available next year—the ones that were scheduled to be released last summer. 445 supervisory licenses will supposedly be released annually for nine years after that—a meaningful improvement, but still far below demand. 

“One septuagenarian member of the Street Vendor Project recently got an application for a Green Cart permit after 15 years of waiting….The permit would allow her to sell fruits and vegetables in the South Bronx making a modest living for her family. But before she could become a legal vendor, her husband died. ‘I get to see this day that has finally come where I got a permit…and my husband wasn’t able to see it happen.’”Mother Jones (October 2022)

WHAT CAN WE DO?

2. The Aftermath of Hurricane Ida—Chhaya Responds

“We need to start viewing extreme weather events not only as climate change issues, but also as public health crises that most severely impact low-income communities.” Tom Wright, Regional Plan Association report (July 2022)

Just over a year ago, six inches of rain fell in a few catastrophic hours, as the remnants of Hurricane Ida passed through New York City. Eleven people drowned in their flooded basement apartments, many of them in Central Queens and most of them immigrants. Hundreds more basement dwellers lost their belongings and their only home.

Today, some of us have already forgotten the horror of the unprecedented flash flooding in early September 2021. But every household affected by the storm remembers. And the local immigrant-led organization Chhaya has, in the past year, amplified their fight for affordable, safe housing, and for the legalization of basement units that are brought up to code and secure. An estimated 31,000 buildings in Jackson Heights, Woodside, Elmhurst and Corona have “below grade” basement units, many of them rented out to immigrant workers and families, and many of the buildings owned by immigrant small homeowners/landlords.

Chhaya recognizes these basement apartments as a “vital part of the city’s affordable housing stock” that have been criminalized by the city’s archaic housing laws. Fighting for well-regulated, safe, and healthy basement dwellings is part of Chhaya’s broader commitment to housing justice for working-class South Asian and Indo-Caribbean New Yorkers. As founder of NYC’s Bangladeshi Tenant Union, Chhaya has been at the forefront of community organizing and political strategy to empower low-income tenants in immigrant neighborhoods like Jackson Heights—where their main office is located.   

In March 2022, Chhaya and coalition partners in the BASE (Basement Apartments Safe for Everyone) campaign released a new policy initiative calling for:

  • a citywide basement legalization program;
  • $85 million in state funding to support low-income homeowners’ conversion of basements into affordable and safe apartments;
  • new investments in climate-resilient infrastructure (including expanded stormwater capture systems);
  • an “amnesty” program for existing basement apartments that commit to upgrading to legally-recognized units.    

Working-class immigrant communities in NYC are living at the intersection of climate change, a crisis of affordable housing, and radical health inequalities—including unequal vulnerability to displacement and death during extreme weather events like Hurricane Ida. Echoing Chhaya and the BASE campaign’s demands, a July 2022 report released by the Regional Plan Association calls for legalization of basement dwellings to increase safety and security, and for immediate investments in green infrastructure to mitigate storm damage and flash flood events. Both strategies are potentially life-saving transformations for immigrants living, literally, underground in Central Queens.

 WHAT CAN WE DO?

In solidarity and with collective care,

Jackson Heights Immigrant Solidarity Network (JHISN)

Follow @JHSolidarity on Facebook and Twitter and share this newsletter with friends, families, neighbors, networks, and colleagues so they can subscribe and receive news from JHISN.